T H E L I F E A N D V O Y A G E S
OF
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS ;
TOGETHER W I T H
T H E V O Y A G E S OF HIS COMPANIONS.
THE LIFE AND VOYAGES
O P
C H R I S T O P H E R C O L U M B U S ;
TOGETHER WITH
T H E V O Y A G E S O F H I S C O M P A N I O N S .
BY WASHINGTON IRVING.
Yenient annis
Ssecula sens, quibus, Oceanus
Vincula, rerum laxet, et ingeus
Pateat tellus, Typhisque uovos
Detegat Orbes, nec sit terris
Ultima Thule.
SENECA : Medea.
A N E W A N D R E V I S E D E D I T I O N .
I N T H R E E V O L U M E S . — V O L . I I
L O N D O N :
J O H N MURRAY, ALBEMABLESTEJIEÏr-
1 8 4 9 .
LOSDOM :
B U D B S S 1 AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFR1AR9.
INTRODUCTION.
T H E first discovery of the Western Hemisphere has
already been related by the Author in his History of
Columbus. It is proposed by him, in the present work,
to narrate the enterprises of certain o f the companions
and disciples o f the admiral, who, enkindled by his zeal, and
instructed by his example, sallied forth separately in the
vast region of adventure to which he had led the w a y .
Many of them sought merely to skirt the continent which
he had partially visited ; to secure the first-fruits of the
pearl fisheries o f Paria and Cubaga ; or to explore the coast
of Veragua, which he had represented as the Aurea Cher-
sonesus of the ancients. Others aspired to accomplish a
grand discovery which he had meditated toward the close
of his career. In the course o f his expeditions along the
coast of Terra Firma, Columbus had repeatedly received
information o f the existence of a vast sea to the south.
H e supposed it to be the great Indian Ocean, the region
of the oriental spice islands, and that it must communicate
by a strait with the Caribbean sea. His last and most
disastrous voyage was made for the express purpose o f dis-
VI
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
covering that imaginary strait, and making his w a y into
this Southern Ocean. T h e illustrious navigator, however,
was doomed to die, as it were, upon the threshold of his
discoveries. It was reserved for one o f his followers,
V a s c o Nunez de Balboa, to obtain the first v i e w o f the
promised ocean, from the lofty mountains of Darien, some
years after the eyes of the venerable Admiral had been
closed in death. T h e expeditions here narrated, therefore,
may be considered as springing immediately out of the
voyages o f Columbus, and fulfilling some of his grand
designs. T h e y may be compared to the attempts of ad
venturous knights-errant to achieve the enterprise left un
finished by some illustrious predecessor. Neither is this
comparison entirely fanciful ; on the contrary, it is a curi
ous fact, well worthy of notice, that the spirit of chivalry
entered largely into the early expeditions of the Spanish
discoverers, giving them a character wholly distinct from
similar enterprises, undertaken by other nations. It will
not, perhaps, be considered far-sought, if w e trace the
cause o f this peculiarity to the domestic history of the
Spaniards during the middle ages.
Eight centuries of incessant warfare with the Moorish
usurpers o f the Peninsula, produced a deep and lasting
effect upon Spanish character and manners. T h e war
being ever close at home, mingled itself with the domestic
habits and concerns of the Spaniard. H e was born a
soldier. T h e wild and predatory nature o f the war also
made him a kind of chivalrous marauder. His horse and
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
viï
weapon were always ready for the field. His delight was
in roving incursions and extravagant exploits ; and no gain
w a s so glorious in his eyes as the cavalgada o f spoils and
captives driven home in triumph from a plundered pro-
vince. Religion, w h i c h has ever held great empire over
the Spanish mind, lent its aid to sanctify these roving and
ravaging propensities, and the Castilian cavalier, as he
sacked the towns, and laid waste the fields of his Moslem
neighbor, piously believed he was doing G o d service.
T h e conquest o f Granada put an end to the peninsular
wars between Christian and Infidel : the spirit o f Spanish
chivalry was thus suddenly deprived o f its wonted sphere
o f action ; but it had been t o o long fostered and excited,
to be as suddenly appeased. T h e youth o f the nation, bred
up to daring adventure and heroic achievement, could not
brook the tranquil and regular pursuits o f c o m m o n life, but
panted for some n e w field o f romantic enterprise.
It was at this juncture that the grand project o f Colum-
bus was carried into effect. His treaty with the sovereigns
was, in a manner, signed with the same pen that had
subscribed the capitulation o f the Moorish capital ; and his
first expedition may almost be said to have departed from
beneath the walls o f Granada. M a n y o f the youthful
cavaliers, w h o had fleshed their swords in that memorable
war, c r o w d e d the ships o f the discoverers, thinking a n e w
career o f arms w a s to be opened to them—a kind o f cru-
sade into splendid and unknown regions o f infidels. T h e
very weapons and armor that had been used against the
viii
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
Moors, were drawn from the arsenal to equip the heroes
of these remoter adventures; and some o f the most noted
commanders in the N e w World, will be found to have
made their first essay in arms, under the banner of Ferdi
nand and Isabella, in their romantic campaigns among the
mountains of Andalusia.
T o these circumstances may, in a great measure, be
ascribed that swelling chivalrous spirit which will be found
continually mingling, or rather warring, with the technical
habits of the seaman and the sordid schemes o f the mer
cenary adventurer, in these early Spanish discoveries.
Chivalry had left the land and launched upon the deep.
T h e Spanish cavalier had embarked in the caravel o f the
discoverer. H e carried among the trackless wildernesses
of the N e w W o r l d the same contempt o f danger and forti
tude under suffering; the same restless, roaming spirit;
the same passion for inroad and ravage and vainglorious
exploit ; and the same fervent, and often bigoted, zeal for
the propagation of his faith, that had distinguished him
during his warfare with the Moors. Instances in point
will be found in the extravagant career o f the daring Ojeda,
particularly in his adventures along the coast of Terra
Firma and the wild shores of Cuba ;—in the sad story o f
the " unfortunate Nicuesa," graced as it is with occasional
touches o f high-bred courtesy ;—in the singular cruise o f
that brave but credulous old cavalier, Juan Ponce de Leon,
who fell upon the flowery coast o f Florida in his search
after an imaginary fountain of youth ;—and above all, in the
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
iz
checkered fortunes of V a s c o Nunez de Balboa, whose dis
covery o f the Pacific Ocean forms one o f the most beauti
ful and striking incidents in the history o f the N e w World,
and whose fate might furnish a theme o f wonderful interest
for a poem or a drama.
The extraordinary actions and adventures o f these men,
while they rival the exploits recorded in chivalric romance,
have the additional interest o f verity. T h e y leave us in
admiration o f the bold and heroic qualities inherent in
the Spanish character, which led that nation to so high a
pitch o f power and glory ; and which are still discernible
in the great mass o f that gallant people, by those w h o have
an opportunity o f judging o f them rightly.
Before concluding these prefatory remarks, the Author
would acknowledge h o w much he has been indebted to the
third volume o f the invaluable Historical Collection o f D o n
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, wherein that author has
exhibited his usual industry, accuracy, and critical acumen.
H e has likewise profited greatly by the second volume o f
Oviedo's General History, which only exists in manuscript,
and a copy o f which he found in the Columbian Library
of the Cathedral o f Seville.
H e has had some assistance also from the documents
of the law case between D o n Diego Columbus and the
crown, which exist in the Archives o f the Indies, and for
an inspection o f which he is much indebted to the per
mission o f the government and the kind attentions o f D o n
Jozef de la Higuera y Lara, the intelligent keeper o f the
X
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
Archives. These, with the historical works of Herrera,
Las Casas, Gomara, and Peter Martyr, have been his
authorities for the facts contained in the following work,
though he has not thought proper to refer to them con
tinually at the bottom of his page.
While his work was going through the press, he re
ceived a volume of Spanish Biography, written with great
elegance and accuracy, by D o n Manuel Josef Quintana,
and containing a life of V a s c o Nunez de Balboa. H e was
gratified to find that his o w n arrangement of facts was
generally corroborated by this work ; though he was en
abled to correct his dates in several instances, and to make
a few other emendations from the volume o f Senor Quin
tana, whose position in Spain gave him the means of
attaining superior exactness on these points.
C O N T E N T S .
A L O N Z O D E O J E D A .
HIS FIRST VOYAGE, IN WHICH HE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY AMERIGO VESPUCCI.
Page
CHAP. I.—Some Account of Ojeda—of Juan de la Cosa—of Amerigo
Vespucci—Preparations for the Voyage.—(A. D . 1499.) . . 17
CHAP. II.—Departure from Spain—Arrival on the Coast of Paria—Cus-
toms of the Natives . 2 2
CHAP. III.—Coasting of Terra Firma—Military Expedition of Ojeda . 25
CHAP. IV.—Discovery of the Gulf of Venezuela—Transactions there—
Ojeda explores the Gulf—Penetrates to Maracaibo . . . . 2 8
CHAP. V.—Prosecution of the Voyage—Return to Spain
.
.
. 3 2
P E D R O A . N I N O A N D C H R I S . G U E R R A .
A . D . 1499 . . . . . . . . • . . 3 4
V I C E N T E Y A N E Z P I N Z O N .
A . D . 1499 . , ; . . .
.
.
. . . . 3 9
D I E G O D E L E P E A N D R . D È B A S T I D E S .
A . D . 1500 . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
. . 4 7
A L O N Z O D E O J E D A .
SECOND VOYAUE.
A . D . 1502
.
.
.
. 51
xii
C O N T E N T S .
A L O N Z O D E OJEDA.
THIRD VOYAGE. Page
CHAP. I.—Ojeda applies for a Command—Has a rival candidate in Diego
de Nicuesa—His success (1509) 59
CHAP. II.—Feud between the Rival Governors Ojeda and Nicuesa—A
Challenge 63
C H A P . HI.—Exploits and Disasters of Ojeda on the Coast of Carthagena
—Fate of the veteran Juan de la Cos a
.
.
.
.
.
. 69
CHAP. IV.—Arrival of Nicuesa—Vengeance taken on the Indians . . 75
CHAP. V.—Ojeda founds the Colony of San Sebastian—Beleaguered by
the Indian s
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. 79
CHAP. VI.—Alonzo de Ojeda supposed by the Savages to have a charmed
life—Their experiment to try the fact . . - 82
CHAP. VII.—Arrival of a strange Ship at San Sebastian
.
.
. 8 4
CHAP. VIII.—Factions in the Colony—A Convention made . . . 8 7
CHAP. IX.—Disastrous Voyage of Ojeda in the Pirate Ship . . . 8 8
CHAP. X.—Toilsome March of Ojeda and his Companions through the
morasses of Cuba . 90
CHAP. XI.—Ojeda performs his Vow to the Virgin . . . . . 9 4
CHAP. XII.—Arrival of Ojeda at Jamaica—His Reception by Juan de
Esquibel 9 6
CHAP. XIII.—Arrival of Alonzo de Ojeda at San Domingo—Conclusion
of his Story . 98
DIEGO D E N I C U E S A .
CHAP. I.—Nicuesa sails to the Westward—His Shipwreck and Subse
quent Disasters . 102
CHAP. II.—Nicuesa and his men on a desolate Island . . . 105
CHAP. HI.—Arrival of a Boat—Conduct of Lope de Olano . . . 107
CHAP. IV.—Nicuesa rejoins his Crews ' . 109
CHAP. V.—Sufferings of Nicuesa and his men on the Coast of the Isthmus 111
CHAP. VI.—Expedition of the Bachelor Enciso in search of the Seat of
Government of Ojeda ' . . . 1 1 5
CHAP. VII.—The Bachelor hears unwelcome tidings of his destined Juris
diction
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. 119
C O N T E N T S . xiii
Page
CHAP. VIII.—Crusade of the Bachelor Enciso against the Sepulchres of
Zenu 121
CHAP. IX.—The Bachelor arrives at San Sebastian—His disasters there,
and subsequent Exploits at Darien
.
.
.
.
.
. 124
CHAP. X.—The Bachelor Enciso undertakes the Command—His downfall 127
CHAP. XI.—Perplexities at the Colony—Arrival of Colmenares . 128
CHAP. XII.—Colmenares goes in quest of Nieues a
.
.
.
. 130
CHAP. XIII.—Catastrophe of the unfortunate Nieues a
.
.
.
. 133
V A S C O N U N E Z D E B A L B O A ,
DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
CHAP. I.—Factions at Darien—Vasco Nunez elevated to the Command 138
CHAP. II.—Expedition to Coyba—Vasco Nunez receives the daughter of a
Cacique as hostage . 141
CHAP. III.—Vasco Nunez hears of a Sea beyond the Mountains. . 145
CHAP. IV.—Expedition of Vasco Nunez in quest of the Golden Temple of
Dobayba . . . . . . . 149
CHAP. V.—Disaster on the Black River—Indian plot against Darien . 155
CHAP VL-^-Further Factions in the Colony—Arrogance of Alonzo Perez
and the Bachelor Corral 158
CHAP, VII.—Vasco Nunez determines to seek the Sea beyond the Moun
tains
.
.
. 163
CHAP. VIII.—Expedition in quest of the Southern Sea . . . 165
C H A P . IX.—Discovery of the Pacific Ocean 169
CHAP. X.—Vasco Nunez marches to the shores of the South Sea . 172
CHAP. XI.—Adventures of Vasco Nunez on the Pacific Ocean . . 177
CHAP. XII.—Further Adventures and Exploits of Vasco Nunez . . 182
CHAP. XIII.—Vasco Nunez sets out on his return across the Mountains—
His contests with the Savage s .
.
.
.
.
.
.
. 185
CHAP. XIV.—Enterprise against Tubanamà, the warlike Cacique of the
Mountains—Return to Darien
.
.
.
.
.
.
. 188
CHAP. XV.—Transactions in Spain—Pedrarias Davila appointed to the
command of Darien—Tidings received in Spain of the Discovery of the
Pacific Ocean . . . . . 1 9 3
CHAP. XVI.—Arrival and grand Entry of Don Pedrarias Davila into
Darien . . .
.
.
.
. . . . . 200
xiv
C O N T E N T S .
Page
CHAP. XVII.—Perfidious Conduct of Don Pedrarias towards Vasco Nunez 2 0 3
CHAP. XVIII.—Calamities of the Spanish Cavaliers at Darien . . 2 0 7
CHAP. XIX.—Fruitless Expedition of Pedrarias 2 0 9
CHAP. XX.—Second Expedition of Vasco Nunez in quest of the Golden
Temple of Dobayba 211
CHAP. XXI.—Letters from the King in favor of Vasco Nunez—Arrival of
Garabito—Arrest of Vasco Nunez .
.
.
.
.
.
. 2 1 4
CHAP. XXII.—Expedition of Morales and Pizarro to the shores of the
Pacific Ocean—Their Visit to the Pearl Islands—Their disastrous
Return across the Mountains . 2 1 8
CHAP. XXIII.—Unfortunate Enterprises of the Officers of Pedrarias—
Matrimonial Compact between the Governor and Vasco Nunez . 2 2 6
CHAP. XXIV.—Vasco Nunez transports ships across the Mountains to the
Pacific Ocean 2 2 9
CHAP. XXV.—Cruise of Vasco Nunez in the Southern Sea—Rumors
from A d a 2 3 3
CHAP. XXVI.—Reconnoitering Expedition of Garabito—Stratagem of
Pedrarias to entrap Vasco Nunez . . . . . • 2 3 5
CHAP. XXVII.—Vasco Nuiiez and the Astrologer—His return to Acla . 2 3 8
CHAr. XXVIII.—Trial of Vasco Nunez 2 4 0
CHAr. XXIX.—Execution of Vasco Nunez 2 4 4
VALDIVIA and his companions 2 4 7
MICER CODRO, the Astrologer 2 C 0
J U A N P O N C E D E L E O N ,
CONQUEROR OF PORTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OF FLORIDA.
CHAP. I.—Reconnoitering Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to the Island
of Boriquen 2 6 2
CHAP. II.—Juan Ponce aspires to the government of Porto Rico . . 2 6 5
CHAP. III.—Juan Ponce rules with a strong hand—Exasperation of the
Indians—Their experiment to prove whether the Spaniards were mortal 2 6 7
CHAP. IV.—Conspiracy of the Caciques—Fate of Sotomayor . . 2 7 0
CHAP. V . — W a r of Juan Ponce with the Cacique Aguaybanà . . 2 7 4
C O N T E N T S . x ï
Page
CHAP. VI.—Juan Ponce de Leon hears of a wonderful country and mira-
culous fountain
.
.
. . . . . . . . . 278
C H A P . VII.-—Cruise of Juan Ponce de Leon in search of the Fountain of
Youth 281
CHAP. VIII.—Expedition of Juan Ponce against the Caribs—His Death 284
A P P E N D I X .
No. I.—Transportation of the Remains of Columbus from St. Domingo
to (he Havana • 291
No. II.—Notice of the Descendants of Columbus
.
.
.
. 2 9 5
No. III.—Fernando Columbus 310
No. I V . — A g e of Columbus 312
No. V.—Lineage of Columbus 3 1 4
No. VI.—Birthplace of Columbus 316
No. V I I . — T h e Colombos
.
.
.
.
.
.
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. 323
No. VIII.—Expedition of John of Anjou 3 2 5
No. IX—Capture of the Venetian Galleys by Colombo the Younger . 327
No. X.—Amerigo Vespucci 330
No. XI.—Martin Alonzo Pinzon 3 4 5
No. XII.—Rumor of the Pilot said to have died in the House of Colum-
bus 3 4 8
No. X I I I — M a r t i n Behem 352
No. XIV.—Voyages of the Scandinavians , 356
No. XV.—Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients . . . 361
No. X V I . — O f the ships of Columbus . . . . . . 3 6 4
No. XVIL—Route of Columbus in his first Voyage . . . 366
No. XVIII.—Principles upon which the Sums mentioned in this W o r k
have been reduced into modern Currency 3 6 6
No. X I X . — Prester John 3 8 2
No. X X . — M a r c o Polo 384
No. X X I — T h e W o r k of Marco Polo
.
.
.
.
.
. 393
No. X X I I — S i r John Mandeville 398
No. X X I I I — T h e Zones . 4 0 0
No. X X I V . — O f the Atalantis of Plato . 4 0 1
No. X X V . — T h e imaginary Island of St. Branda n
.
.
.
. 403
xvi C O N T E N T S .
Page
No, X X V I . — T h e Island of the Seven Cities 410
No. XXVII.—Discovery of the Island of Madeira . . . . 411
No. X X V I I L — L a s Casas 415
No. XXIX.—Peter Martyr . .
.
.
.
.
.
. 423
No. XXX.—Oviedo 428
No. XXXI.—Cura de Los Palacios 429
No. X X X I I . — " Navigatione del Re de Castiglia délie Isole e Paese
Nuovamente Ritrovate."—" Navigatio Christophori Colombi." . . 431
No. XXXIII.—Antonio de Herrera 432
No. XXXIV.—Bishop Fonseca 434
No. X X X V . — O n the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise . . 438
No. X X X V I — Will of Columbus 444
No. XXXVII.—Signature of Columbus 452
No. X X X V I I I . — A Visit to Palos . . . . . . . 4 5 4
No. XXXIX—Manifesto of Alonzo de Ojeda
.
.
.
. 468
INDEX 471
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S
OF THE
C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
ALONZO DE OJEDA,*
HIS F I R S T V O Y A G E , IN W H I C H H E W A S A C C O M P A N I E D B Y
A M E R I G O VESPUCCI.t
C H A P T E R I .
S O M E A C C O U N T O F O J E D A . O F J U A N D E L A C O S A . O F A M E R
I G O V E S P U C C I . P R E P A R A T I O N S F O R T H E V O Y A G E .
[1499.]
T H O S E who have read the History of Columbus will, doubtless,
remember the character and exploits of Alonzo de Ojeda ; as
some of the readers of the following pages, however, may not
have perused that work, and as it is proposed at present to trace
the subsequent fortunes of this youthful adventurer, a brief sketch
of him may not be deemed superfluous.
* Ojeda is pronounced in Spanish Oheda, with a strong aspiration of the A.
t Vespucci, pronounced Vespuchy.
VOL. I I I .
B
18
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Alonzo de Ojeda was a native of Cuenca, in New Castile, and
of a respectable family. He was brought up as a page or esquire,
in the service of Don Luis de Cerda, Duke of Medina Celi, one
of the most powerful nobles of Spain ; the same who for some
time patronized Columbus during his application to the Spanish
court.*
In those warlike days, when the peninsula was distracted by
contests between the Christian kingdoms, by feuds between the
nobles and the crown, and by incessant and marauding war
fare with the Moors, the household of a Spanish nobleman was a
complete school of arms, where the youth of the country were
sent to be trained up in all kinds of hardy exercises, and to be
led to battle under an illustrious banner. Such was especially the
case with the service of the Duke of Medina Celi, who possessed
princely domains, whose household was a petty court, who led
legions of armed retainers to the field, and who appeared in
splendid state and with an immense retinue, more as an ally of
Ferdinand and Isabella, than as a subject. He engaged in many
of the roughest expeditions of the memorable war of Granada,
always insisting on leading his own troops in person, when the
service was of peculiar difficulty and danger. Alonzo de Ojeda
was formed to signalize himself in such a school. Though small
of stature, he was well made, and of wonderful force and activ
ity, with a towering spirit that seemed to make up for deficiency
of height. He was a bold and graceful horseman, an excellent
foot soldier, dextrous with every weapon, and noted for his
extraordinary skill and adroitness in all feats of strength and
agility.
* Varones Ihistres, por F. Pizarro y Orellana, p. 41. Las Casas, Hist
Ind., lib. i. cap. 82.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
19
He must have been quite young when he followed the Duke
of Medina Celi, as page, to the Moorish wars ; for he was but
about twenty-one years of age when he accompanied Columbus
in his second voyage ; he had already, however, distinguished
himself by his enterprising spirit and headlong .valor ; and his
exploits during that voyage contributed to enhance his reputa
tion. He returned to Spain with Columbus, but did not accom
pany him in his third voyage, in the spring of 1498. He was
probably impatient of subordination, and ambitious of a separate
employment or command, which the influence of his connections
gave him a great chance of obtaining. He had a cousin german
of his own name, the reverend Padre Alonzo de Ojeda, a Do
minican friar, one of the first inquisitors of Spain, and a great
favorite with the Catholic sovereigns.* This father inquisitor
was, moreover, an intimate friend of the bishop Don Juan Rod
riguez Fonseca, who had the chief management of the affairs of
the Indies, under which general name were comprehended all
the countries discovered in the New World. Through the good
offices of his cousin inquisitor, therefore, Ojeda had been intro
duced to the notice of the bishop, who took him into his especial
favor and patronage. Mention has already been made, in the
History of Columbus, of a present made by the bishop to Ojeda
of a small Flemish painting of the Holy "Virgin. This the young
adventurer carried about with him as a protecting relic, invoking
it at all times of peril, whether by sea or land ; and to the
especial care of the Virgin he attributed the remarkable circum
stance that he had never been wounded in any of the innumera
ble brawls and battles into which he was continually betrayed by
his rash and fiery temperament.
* Pizarro. Varones Ilustres.
B 2
M
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
While Ojeda was lingering about the court, letters were re
ceived from Columbus, giving an account of the events of his
third voyage, especially of his discovery of the coast of Paria,
which he described as abounding in drugs and spices, in gold
and silver, and precious stones, and, above all, in oriental
pearls, and which he supposed to be the borders of that vast and
unknown region of the East, wherein, according to certain learned
theorists, was situated the terrestrial paradise. Specimens of
the pearls, procured in considerable quantities from the natives,
accompanied his epistle, together with charts descriptive of his
route. These tidings caused a great sensation among the mari
time adventurers of Spain ; but no one was more excited by them
than Alonzo de Ojeda, who, from his intimacy with the bishop,
had full access to the charts and correspondence of Columbus.
He immediately conceived the project of making a voyage in the
route thus marked out by the admiral, and of seizing upon the first
fruits of discovery which he had left ungathered. His scheme met
with ready encouragement from Fonseca, who, as has heretofore
been shown, was an implacable enemy to Columbus, and willing to
promote any measure that might injure or molest him. The
bishop accordingly granted a commission to Ojeda, authorizing
him to fit out an armament and proceed on a voyage of discovery
with the proviso merely that he should not visit any territories
appertaining to Portugal, nor any of the lands discovered in the
name of Spain previous to the year 1495. The latter part of
this provision appears to have been craftily worded by the bishop,
so as to leave the coast of Paria and its pearl fisheries open to
Ojeda, they having been recently discovered by Columbus in
1498.
The commission was signed by Fonseca alone, in virtue of
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
ai
general powers vested in him for such purposes, but the signature
of the sovereigns did not appear on the instrument, and it is
doubtful whether their sanction was sought on the occasion. He
knew that Columbus had recently remonstrated against a royal
mandate issued in 1495, permitting voyages of discovery by
private adventurers, and that the sovereigns had in consequence
revoked their mandate wherever it might be deemed prejudicial
to the stipulated privileges of the admiral.* It is probable,
therefore, that the bishop avoided raising any question that might
impede the enterprise ; being confident of the ultimate approba
tion of Ferdinand, who would be well pleased to have his domin
ions in the new world extended by the discoveries of private
adventurers, undertaken at their own expense. It was stipulated
in this, as well as in subsequent licenses for private expeditions,
that a certain proportion of the profits, generally a fourth or fifth,
should be reserved for the crown.
Having thus obtained permission to make the voyage, the
next consideration with Ojeda was to find the means. He was a
young adventurer, a mere soldier of fortune, and destitute of
wealth ; but he had a high reputation for courage and enterprise,
and with these, it was thought, would soon make his way to the
richest parts of the newly discovered lands, and have the wealth
of the Indies at his disposal. He had no difficulty, therefore, in
finding moneyed associates among the rich merchants of Seville,
who, in that age of discovery, were ever ready to stake their pro
perty upon the schemes of roving navigators. "With such assist
ance he soon equipped a squadron of four vessels at Port St.
Mary, opposite Cadiz. Among the seamen who engaged with
him were several just returned from accompanying Columbus in
* Navarrete, torn. ii. Document cxiii.
S3
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
his voyage to this very coast of Paria. The principal associate
of Ojeda, and one on whom he placed great reliance, was Juan
de la Cosa ; who accompanied him as first mate, or, as it was
termed, chief pilot. This was a bold Biscayan, who may be
regarded as a disciple of Columbus, with whom he had sailed in
his second voyage, when he coasted Cuba and Jamaica, and he
had since accompanied Rodrigo de Bastides, in an expedition
along the coast of Terra Firma. The hardy veteran was looked
up to by his contemporaries as an oracle of the seas, and was
pronounced one of the most able mariners of the day ; he may
be excused, therefore, if, in his harmless vanity, he considered
himself on a par even with Columbus.*
Another conspicuous associate of Ojeda, in this voyage, was
Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant, induced by broken
fortunes and a rambling disposition to seek adventures in the new
world. Whether he had any pecuniary interest in the expedition,
and in what capacity he sailed, does not appear. His importance
has entirely arisen from subsequent circumstances ; from his
having written and published a narrative of his voyages, and
from his name having eventually been given to the New World.
C H A P T E R II.
DEPARTURE FROM SPAIN. ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF
PARIA. CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES.
OJEDA sailed from Port St. Mary on the 20th of May, 1499,
and, having touched for supplies at the Canaries, took a departure
* Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. in. p. 4.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
23
from Gomara, pursuing the route of Columbus in his third voyage,
being guided by the chart he had sent home, as well as by the.
mariners who had accompanied him on that occasion. At the
end of twenty-four days he reached the continent of the New
World, about two hundred leagues farther south than the part
discovered by Columbus, being, as it is supposed, the coast of
Surinam.*
Hence he ran along the coast of the Gulf of Paria, passing
the mouths of many rivers, but especially those of the Esquivo
and the Oronoko. These, to the astonishment of the Spaniards,
unaccustomed as yet to the mighty rivers of the New World,
poured forth such a prodigious volume of water, as to freshen the
sea for a great extent. They beheld none of the natives until
they arrived at Trinidad, on which island they met with traces of
the recent visit of Columbus.
Vespucci, in his letters, gives a long description of the people
of this island and of the coast of Paria, who were of the Carib
race, tall, well made, and vigorous, and expert with the bow, the
lance, and the buckler. His description, in general, resembles
those which have frequently been given of the aboriginals of
the new world ; there are two or three particulars, however,
worthy of citation.
They appeared, he said, to believe in no religious creed, to
have no place of worship, and to make no prayers nor sacrifices ;
but, he adds, from the voluptuousness of their lives, they might
be considered epicureans.! Their habitations were built in the
shape of bells ; of the trunks of trees, thatched with palm-leaves,
and were proof against wind and weather. They appeared to be
* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 5.
t Viages de Vespucci. Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 211.
24
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
in common, and some of them were of such magnitude as to con
tain six hundred persons : in one place there were eight principal
houses capable of sheltering nearly ten thousand inhabitants.
Every seven or eight years the natives were obliged to change
their residence, from the maladies engendered by the heat of the
climate in their crowded habitations.
Their riches consisted in beads and ornaments made from the
bones of fishes ; in small white and green stones strung like rosa
ries, with which they adorned their persons, and in the beautiful
plumes of various colors for which the tropical birds are noted.
The Spaniards smiled at their simplicity in attaching an ex
traordinary value to such worthless trifles ; while the savages, in
all probability, were equally surprised at beholding the strangers
so eager after gold, and pearls, and precious stones, which to them
selves were objects of indifference.
Their manner of treating the dead was similar to that ob
served among the natives of some of the islands. Having depo
sited the corpse in a cavern or sepulchre, they placed a jar of
water and a few eatables at its head, and then abandoned it with
out moan or lamentation. In some parts of the coast, when a per
son was considered near his end his nearest relatives bore him to
the woods, and laid him in a hammock suspended to the trees.
They then danced round him until evening, when, having left
within his reach sufficient meat and drink to sustain him for four
days, they repaired to their habitations. If he recovered and re
turned home, he was received with much ceremony and rejoicing ;
if he died of his malady or of famine, nothing more was thought
of him.
Their mode of treating a fever is also worthy of mention. In
the height of the malady they plunged the patient in a bath of
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
25
the coldest water, after which they obliged him to make many
evolutions round a great fire, until he was in a violent heat, when
they put him to bed, that he might sleep : a treatment, by which
Amerigo Vespucci declares he saw many cured.
C H A P T E R III.
COASTING OF TERRA FIRMA. MILITARY EXPEDITION OF OJEDA.
AFTER touching at various parts of Trinidad and the Gulf of
Paria, Ojeda passed through the strait of the Boca del Drago, or
Dragon's Mouth, which Columbus had found so formidable, and
then steered his course along the coast of Terra Firma, landing
occasionally, until he arrived at Curiana, or the Gulf of Pearls.
Hence he stood to the opposite island of Margarita, previously
discovered by Columbus, and since renowned for its pearl fishery.
This, as well as several adjacent islands, he visited and ex
plored ; after which he returned to the main-land, and touched
at Cumana and Maracapana, where he found the rivers infested
with alligators, resembling the crocodiles of the Nile.
Finding a convenient harbor at Maracapana, he unloaded and
careened his vessels there, and built a small brigantine. The
natives came to him in great numbers, bringing abundance of
venison, fish, and cassava bread, and aiding the seamen in their
labors. Their hospitality was not certainly disinterested, for they
sought to gain the protection of the Spaniards, whom they rever
enced as superhuman beings. "When they thought they had suffi
ciently secured their favor, they represented to Ojeda that their
coast was subject to invasion from a distant island, the inhabitants
26
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
of which were cannibals, and carried their people into captivity,
to be devoured at their unnatural banquets. They besought Ojeda,
therefore, to avenge them upon these ferocious enemies.
The request was gratifying to the fighting propensities of Ojeda,
and to his love of adventure, and was readily granted. Taking
seven of the natives on board of his vessels, as guides, he set sail
in quest of the cannibals. After sailing for seven days he came
to a chain of islands, some peopled, others uninhabited, supposed
to have been the Caribbee islands. One of these was pointed out
by his guides as the habitation of their foes. On running near
the shore he beheld it thronged with savages, decorated with coro
nets of gaudy plumes, their bodies painted with a variety of colors.
They were armed with bows and arrows, with darts, lances, and
bucklers, and seemed prepared to defend their island from invasion.
The show of war was calculated to rouse the martial spirit of
Ojeda. He brought his ships to anchor, ordered out his boats,
and provided each with a paterero or small cannon. Besides the
oarsmen, each boat contained a number of soldiers, who were told
to crouch out of sight in the bottom. The boats then pulled in
steadily for the shore. As they approached the Indians let fly a
cloud of arrows, but without much effect. Seeing the boats con
tinue to advance, the savages threw themselves into the sea, and
brandished their lances to prevent their landing. Upon this, the
soldiers sprang up and discharged the patereroes. At the sound
and smoke the savages abandoned the water in affright, while
Ojeda and his men leaped on shore and pursued them. The Carib
warriors rallied on the banks, and fought for a long time with a
courage peculiar to their race, but were at length driven to the
woods, at the edge of the sword, leaving many killed and wounded
on the field of battle.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
27
On the following day the savages were seen on the shore in
still greater numbers, armed and painted, and decorated with war
plumes, and sounding defiance with their conchs and drums. Ojeda
again landed with fifty-seven men, whom he separated into four
companies and ordered to charge the enemy from different direc
tions. The Caribs fought for a time hand to hand, displaying
great dexterity in covering themselves with their bucklers, but
were at length entirely routed, and driven with great slaughter to
the forests. The Spaniards had but one man killed and twenty-
one wounded in these combats,—such superior advantage did their
armor give them over the naked savages. Having plundered and
set fire to the houses, they returned triumphantly to their ships,
with a number of Carib captives ; and made sail for the main-land.
Ojeda bestowed a part of the spoil upon the seven Indians who
had accompanied him as guides, and sent them exulting to their
homes, to relate to their countrymen the signal vengeance wreaked
upon their foes. He then anchored in a bay where he remained
for twenty days until his men had recovered from their wounds.*
* There is some discrepance in the early accounts of this battle, as to the
time and place of its occurrence. The author has collated the narratives of
Vespucci, Las Casas, Herrera, and Peter Martyr, and the evidence given in the
lawsuit of Diego Columbus, and has endeavored as much as possible to recon
cile them.
28
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R I V .
DISCOVERY OF THE GULF OF VENEZUELA. TRANSACTIONS
THERE. OJEDA EXPLORES THE GULF. PENETRATES TO
MARACAIBO.
His crew being refreshed and the wounded sufficiently recovered,
Ojeda made sail, and touched at the island of Curazao, which, ac
cording to the accounts of Vespucci, was inhabited by a race of
giants, " every woman appearing a Penthesilea, and every man
an Antaeus."* As Vespucci was a scholar, and as he supposed
himself exploring the regions of the extreme East, the ancient
realm of fable, it is probable his imagination deceived him, and
construed the formidable accounts given by the Indians of their
cannibal neighbors of the islands, into something according with
his recollections of classic fable. Certain it is that the reports of
subsequent voyagers proved the inhabitants of the island to be of
the ordinary size.
Proceeding along the coast he arrived at a vast deep gulf,
resembling a tranquil lake ; entering which, he beheld on the
eastern side a village, the construction of which struck him with
surprise. It consisted of twenty large houses, shaped like bells,
and built on piles driven into the bottom of the lake, which, in
this part, was limpid and of but little depth. Each house was
provided with a drawbridge, and with canoes by which the com
munication was carried on. From these resemblances to the
Italian city, Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the Gulf of
* Vespucci.—Letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medicis.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
29
Venice : and it is called at the present day Venezuela, or little
Venice : the Indian name was Coquibacoa.
When the inhabitants beheld the ships standing into the bay,
looking like wonderful and unknown apparitions from the deep,
they fled with terror to their houses, and raised the drawbridges.
The Spaniards remained for a time gazing with admiration at this
amphibious village, when a squadron of canoes entered the harbor
from the sea. On beholding the ships they paused in mute amaze
ment, and on the Spaniards attempting to approach them, paddled
swiftly to shore, and plunged into the forest. They soon returned
with sixteen young girls, whom they conveyed in their canoes to
the ships, distributing four on board of each, either as peace-offer
ings or as tokens of amity and confidence. The best of under
standing now seemed to be established ; and the inhabitants of
the village came swarming about the ships in their canoes, and
others swimming in great numbers from the shores.
The friendship of the savages, however, was all delusive.
On a sudden several old women at the doors of the houses uttered
loud shrieks, tearing their hair in fury. It appeared to be a sig
nal for hostility. The sixteen nymphs plunged into the sea and
made for shore ; the Indians in the canoes caught up their bows
and discharged a flight of arrows, and even those who were swim
ming brandished darts and lances, which they had hitherto con
cealed beneath the water.
Ojeda was for a moment surprised at seeing war thus starting
up on every side, and the very sea bristling with weapons. Man
ning his boats, he charged amongst the thickest of the enemy,
shattered and sunk several of their canoes, killed twenty Indians
and wounded many more, and spread such a panic among them,
that most of the survivors flung themselves into the sea and swam
90
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
to shore. Three of them were taken prisoners, and two of the
fugitive girls, and were conveyed on board of the ships, where
the men were put in irons. One of them, however, and the two
girls succeeded in dextrously escaping the same night.
Ojeda had but five men wounded in the affray ; all of whom
recovered. He visited the houses, but found them abandoned
and destitute of booty ; notwithstanding the unprovoked hostility
of the inhabitants, he spared the buildings, that he might not
cause useless irritation along the coast.
Continuing to explore this gulf, Ojeda penetrated to a port or
harbor, to which he gave the name of St. Bartholomew, but
which is supposed to be the same at present known by the ori
ginal Indian name of Maracaibo. Here, in compliance with the
entreaties of the natives, he sent a detachment of twenty-seven
Spaniards on a visit to the interior. For nine days they were
conducted from town to town, and feasted and almost idolized by
the Indians, who regarded them as angelic beings, performing
their national dances and games, and chanting their traditional
ballads for their entertainment.
The natives of this part were distinguished for the symmetry
of their forms ; the females in particular appeared to the Span
iards to surpass all they had yet beheld in the New World for
grace and beauty. Neither did the men display in the least de
gree that jealousy which prevailed in the other parts of the coast ;
but, on the contrary, permitted the most frank and intimate inter
course with their wives and daughters.
By the time the Spaniards set out on their return to the ship,
the whole country was aroused, pouring forth its population, male
and female, to do them honor. Some bore them in fitters or
hammocks, that they might not be fatigued with the journey, and
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
31
happy was the Indian who had the honor of bearing a Spaniard
on his shoulders across a river. Others loaded themselves with
the presents that had been bestowed on their guests, consisting of
rich plumes, weapons of various kinds, and tropical birds and ani
mals. In this way they returned in triumphant procession to the
ships, the woods and shores resounding with their songs and shouts.
Many of the Indians crowded into the boats which took the
detachment to the ships ; others put off in canoes, or swam from
shore, so that in a little while the vessels were thronged with up
wards of a thousand wondering natives. While gazing and mar
veling at the strange objects around them, Ojeda ordered the
cannon to be discharged, at the sound of which, says Vespucci,
the Indians " plunged into the water like so many frogs from a
bank." Perceiving, however, that it was done in harmless mirth,
they returned on board, and passed the rest of the day in great
festivity. The Spaniards brought away with them several of the
beautiful and hospitable females from this place, one of whom,
named by them Isabel, was much prized by Ojeda, and accom
panied him in a subsequent voyage.*
* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 8. Idem, pp. 1 0 7 , 1 0 8 .
It is worthy of particular mention that Ojeda, in his report of his voyage
to the Sovereigns, informed them of his having met with English voyagers in
the vicinity of Coquibacoa, and that the Spanish government attached such im
portance to his information as to take measures to prevent any intrusion into
those parts by the English. It is singular that no record should exist of this
early and extensive expedition of English navigators. If it was undertaken in
the service of the Crown, some document might be found concerning it among
the archives of the reign of Henry VII. The English had already discovered
the continent of North America. This had been done in 1497, by John Cabot,
a Venetian, accompanied by his son Sebastian, who was born in Bristol. They
sailed under a license of Henry V I I , who was to have a fifth of the profits of
33
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R V.
PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE. RETURN TO SPAIN.
LEAVING the friendly port of Coquibacoa, Ojeda continued along
the western shores of the Gulf of Venezuela, and standing out to
sea, and doubling Cape Maracaibo, he pursued his coasting voy
age from port to port, and promontory to promontory, of this
unknown continent, until he reached that long-stretching headland
called Cape de la Vela. There the state of his vessels, and per
haps the disappointment of his hopes at not meeting with abun
dant sources of immediate wealth, induced him to abandon all
further voyaging along the coast, and changing his course, he
stood across the Caribbean Sea for Hispaniola. The tenor of his
commission forbade his visiting that island ; hut Ojeda was not a
man to stand upon trifles when his interest or inclination prompted
the contrary. He trusted to excuse the infraction of his orders
by the alleged necessity of touching at the island to calk and
refit his vessels, and to procure provisions. His true object, how
ever, is supposed to have been to cut dye-wood, which abounds in
the western part of Hispaniola.
He accordingly anchored at Yaquimo in September, and
landed with a large party of his men. Columbus at that time
held command of the island, and, hearing of this unlicensed
the voyage. On the 24th June they discovered Newfoundland, and afterwards
coasted the continent quite to Florida, bringing back to England a valuable
cargo and several of the natives. This was the first discovery of the main-land
of America. The success of this expedition may have prompted the one which
Ojeda encountered in the neighborhood of Coquibacoa.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
3.3
intrusion, dispatched Francisco Roldan, the quondam rebel, to
call Ojeda to account. The contest of stratagem and management
which took place between these two adroit and daring adventurers,
has been already detailed in the History of Columbus. Roldan
was eventually successful, and Ojeda, being obliged to leave His-
paniola, resumed his rambling voyage, visiting various islands,
from whence he carried off numbers of the natives. He at length
arrived at Cadiz in June, 1500, with his ships crowded with
captives, whom he sold as slaves. So meagre, however, was the
result of this expedition, that we are told, when all the expenses
were deducted, but five hundred ducats remained to be divided
between fifty-five adventurers. "What made this result the more
mortifying was, that a petty armament, which had sailed some
time after that of Ojeda, had returned two months before him,
rich with the spoils of the New World. A brief account of this
latter expedition is necessary to connect this series of minor dis
coveries, which will be found to lead to enterprises and transac
tions of more stirring interest and importance.
V O L . I I I .
c
34
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
PEDRO ALONZO NINO* AND CHRISTOVAL GUERRA.
[1499.]
T H E permission granted by Bishop Fonseca to Alonzo de Ojeda
to undertake a private expedition to the New World, roused the
emulation of others of the followers of Columbus. Among these
was Pedro Alonzo Nino, a hardy seaman, native of Moguer, in
the vicinity of Palos, who had sailed with Columbus, as a pilot,
in his first voyage, and also in his cruisings along the coasts of
Cuba and Paria, t He soon obtained from the bishop a similar
license to that given to Ojeda, and like the latter, sought for some
moneyed confederate among the rich merchants of Seville. One
of these, named Luis Guerra, offered to fit out a caravel for the
expedition ; but on condition that his brother, Christoval Guerra,
should have the command. The poverty of Nino compelled him
to assent to the stipulations of the man of wealth, and he sailed
as subaltern in his own enterprise ; but his nautical skill and
knowledge soon gained him the ascendency ; he became virtually
the captain, and ultimately enjoyed the whole credit of the
voyage.
The bark of these two adventurers was but of fifty tons bur-
* Pronounced Ninyo. The N in Spanish is always pronounced as if fol
lowed by the letter y.
t Testimony of Bastides in the lawsuit of Diego Columbus.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
35
then, and the crew thirty-three souls, all told. With this slender
armament they undertook to traverse unknown and dangerous
seas, and to explore the barbarous shores of that vast continent
recently discovered by Columbus ;—such was the daring spirit of
the Spanish voyagers of those days.
It was about the beginning of June, 1499, and but a few days
after the departure of Ojeda, that they put to sea. They sailed
from the little port of Palos, the cradle of American discovery,
whose brave and skillful mariners long continued foremost in
all enterprises to the New World. Being guided by the chart
of Columbus, they followed his route, and reached the southern
continent, a little beyond Paria, about fifteen days after the same
coast had been visited by Ojeda.
They then proceeded to the Gulf of Paria, where they landed
to cut dye-wood, and were amicably entertained by the natives.
Shortly afterwards, sallying from the gulf by the Boca del Drago,
they encountered eighteen canoes of Caribs, the pirate rovers of
these seas, and the terror of the bordering lands. This savage
armada, instead of being daunted, as usual, by the sight of a
European ship, with swelling sails, resembling some winged
monster of the deep, considered it only as an object of plunder
or hostility, and assailed it with showers of arrows. The sudden
burst of artillery, however, from the sides of the caravel, and
the havoc made by this seeming thunder, struck them with dis
may, and they fled in all directions. The Spaniards succeeded
in capturing one of the canoes, with one of the warriors who had
manned it. In the bottom of the canoe lay an Indian prisoner,
bound hand and foot. On being liberated he informed the Span
iards, by signs, that these Caribs had been on a marauding expe
dition along the neighboring wasts, shutting themselves up at
c 2
36
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
night in a stockade which they carried with them, and issuing
forth by day to plunder the villages and make captives. He had
oeen one of seven prisoners; his companions had been devoured
Defore his eyes at the cannibal banquets of these savages, and he
had been awaiting the same miserable fate. Honest Nino and
his confederates were so indignant at this recital, that, receiving
it as established fact, they performed what they considered an act
of equitable justice, by abandoning the Carib to the discre
tion of his late captive. The latter fell upon the defenceless
warrior with fist, and foot, and cudgel ; nor did his rage subside
even after the breath had been mauled out of his victim, but,
tearing the grim head from the body, he placed it on a pole, as a
trophy of his vengeance.
Nino and his fellow-adventurers now steered for the island of
Margarita, where they obtained a considerable quantity of pearls
by barter. They afterwards skirted the opposite coast of Cu-
mana, trading cautiously and shrewdly, from port to port ; some
times remaining on board of their little bark, and obliging the
savages to come off to them, when the latter appeared too nu
merous ; at other times venturing on shore, and even into the
interior. They were invariably treated with amity by the natives,
who were perfectly naked, excepting that they were adorned with
necklaces and bracelets of pearls. These they sometimes gave
freely to the Spaniards, at other times they exchanged them for
glass beads and other trinkets, and smiled at the folly of the
strangers in making such silly bargains.*
The Spaniards were struck with the grandeur and density of
the forests along this coast ; for in these regions of heat and
moisture vegetation appears in its utmost magnificence. They
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 171.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
37
heard also the cries and roarings of wild and unknown animals
in the woodlands, which, however, appeared not to be very dan
gerous, as the Indians went about the forest armed solely with
bows and arrows. From meeting with deer and rabbits, they
were convinced that that was a part of Terra Firma, not having
found any animals of the kind on the islands.*
Nino and Guerra were so well pleased with the hospitality of
the natives of Cumana, and with the profitable traffic for pearls,
by which they obtained many of great size and beauty, that they
remained upwards of three months on the coast.
They then proceeded westward to a country called Cauchieto,
trading, as usual, for pearls, and for the inferior kind of gold
called guanin. At length they arrived at a number of houses and
gardens situated on a river and protected by a kind of fortress,
the whole forming, to the eyes of the Spaniards, one of the most
delicious abodes imaginable. They were about to land and enjoy
the pleasures of this fancied Paradise, when they beheld upwards
of a thousand Indians, armed with bows and arrows and war
clubs, preparing to give them a warm reception ; having been
probably incensed by the recent visit of Ojeda. As Nino and
Guerra had not the fighting propensities of Ojeda, and were in
quest of profit rather than renown, having moreover, in all proba
bility, the fear of the rich merchant of Seville before their eyes, they
prudently abstained from landing, and, abandoning this hostile
coast, returned forthwith to Cumana, to resume their trade for
pearls. They soon amassed a great number, many of which
were equal in size and beauty to the most celebrated of the east,
though they had been injured in boring from a want of proper
implements.
* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 14.
38
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Satisfied with their success, they now set sail for Spain, and
piloted their little bark safely to Bayonne in Gallicia, where they
anchored about the middle of April, 1500, nearly two months
before the arrival of Ojeda and his associates, La Cosa and
Vespucci.*
The most successful voyagers to the New World were doomed
to trouble from their very success. The ample amount of pearls
paid to the treasury, as the royal portion of the profits of this
expedition, drew suspicion instead of favor upon the two adven
turers. They were accused of having concealed a great part of
the pearls collected by them, thus defrauding their companions
and the crown. Pedro Alonzo Nino was actually thrown into
prison on this accusation, but, nothing being proved against him,
he was eventually set free, and enjoyed the enviable reputation
of having performed the richest voyage that had yet been made
to the New World-t
* Peter Martyr. Other historians give a different date for their arrival.
Ilerrera says Feb. 6.
t Navarrete, Colec. torn. iii. p. 11. Herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 5.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
39
VICENTE YANEZ PINZON.
[1499.]
AMONG the maritime adventurers of renown who were roused to
action by the licenses granted for private expeditions of discovery,
we find conspicuous the name of Vicente Yanez Pinzon of Palos,
one of the three brave brothers who aided Columbus in his first
voyage, and risked life and fortune with him in his doubtful and
perilous enterprise.
Of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the eldest and most important of
these three brothers, particular mention has been made in the
History of Columbus, and of the unfortunate error in conduct
which severed him from the admiral, brought on him the dis
pleasure of the sovereigns, and probably contributed to his pre
mature and melancholy death.
Whatever cloud this may have thrown over his family, it was
but temporary. The death of Martin Alonzo, as usual, atoned
for his faults, and his good deeds lived after him. The merits
and services of himself and his brothers were acknowledged, and
the survivors of the family were restored to royal confidence. A
feeling of jealous hostility prevented them from taking a part in
the subsequent voyages of Columbus ; but the moment the door
was thrown open for individual enterprise, they pressed forward
for permission to engage in it at their own risk and expense—
and it was readily granted. In fact, their supposed hostility to
40
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Columbus was one of tbe surest recommendations to the favor of
the Bishop Fonseca, by whom the license was issued for their
expedition.
Vicente Yafiez Pinzon was the leader of this new enterprise,
and he was accompanied by two nephews, Arias Perez and Diego
Fernandez, sons of his late brother, Martin Alonzo Pinzon.
Several of his sailors had sailed with Columbus in his recent voy
age to Paria, as had also his three principal pilots, Juan Quintero,
Juan de Umbria, and Juan de Jerez. Thus these minor voyages
seemed all to emanate from the great expeditions of Columbus,
and to aim at realizing the ideas and speculations contained in the
papers transmitted by him to Spain.
The armament consisted of four caravels, and was fitted out at
the port of Palos. The funds of Vicente Yanez were completely
exhausted before he had fitted out his little squadron ; he was
obliged therefore to purchase on credit the sea-stores and articles
of traffic necessary for the enterprise. The merchants of Palos
seem to have known how to profit by the careless nature of sailors
and the sanguine spirit of discoverers. In their bargains they
charged honest Pinzon eighty and a hundred per cent, above the
market value of their merchandise, and in the hurry and urgency
of the moment he was obliged to submit to the imposition.*
The squadron put to sea in the beginning of December, 1499,
and after passing the Canary and Cape de Verde Islands, stood
to the southwest. Having sailed about seven hundred leagues,
they crossed the equator and lost sight of the north star. They
had scarcely passed the equinoctial line when they encountered a
terrible tempest, which had well nigh swallowed up their slender
* Navarrete, vol. iii. See Doe. No. 7, where Vicente Yanez Pinzon peti
tions for redress.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
41
barks. The storm passed away, and the firmament was again
serene; but the mariners remained tossing about in confusion,
dismayed by the turbulence of the waves and the strange aspect
of the heavens. They looked in vain to the south for some polar
star by which to shape their course, and fancied that some swelling
prominence of the globe concealed it from their view. They knew
nothing as yet of the firmament of that hemisphere, nor of that
beautiful constellation the southern cross, but expected to find a
guiding star at the opposite pole, similar to the cynosure of the north.
Pinzon, however, who was of an intrepid spirit, pursued his
course resolutely to the west, and after sailing about two hundred
and forty leagues, and being in the eighth degree of southern
latitude, he beheld land afar off on the 28th of January, to which
he gave the name of Santa Maria de la Consolation, from the
sight of it having consoled him in the midst of doubts and per
plexities. It is now called Cape St. Augustine, and forms the
most prominent part of the immense empire of Brazil.
The sea was turbid and discolored as in rivers, and on sound
ing they had sixteen fathoms water. Pinzon landed, accompanied
by a notary and witnesses, and took formal possession of the ter
ritory for the Castilian crown ; no one appeared to dispute his
pretensions, but he observed on the beach the print of footsteps,
of gigantic size.
At night there were fires lighted upon a neighboring part of
the coast, which induced Pinzon on the following morning to send
forty men well armed to the spot. A band of Indians, of about
equal number, sallied forth to encounter them, armed with bows
and arrows, and seemingly of extraordinary stature. A still
greater number were seen in the distance, hastening to the sup
port of their companions. The Indians arrayed themselves for
42
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
combat, and the two parties remained for a short time eyeing each
other with mutual curiosity and distrust. The Spaniards now dis
played looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets, and jingled
strings of hawks'-bells, in general so captivating to an Indian ear ;
but the haughty savages treated all their overtures with contempt,
regarding these offerings carelessly for a short time, and then
stalking off with stoic gravity. They were ferocious of feature,
and apparently warlike in disposition, and are supposed to have
been a wandering race of unusual size, who roamed about in the
night, and were of the most fierce untractable nature. By night
fall there was not an Indian to be seen in the neighborhood.
Discouraged by the inhospitable character of the coast, Pin
zon made sail and stood to the northwest, until he came to the
mouth of a river too shallow to receive his ships. Here he sent
his boats on shore with a number of men well armed. They
landed on the river banks, and beheld a multitude of naked In
dians on a neighboring hill. A single Spaniard, armed simply
with sword and buckler, was sent to invite them to friendly inter
course. He approached them with signs of amity, and threw to
them a hawk's-bell. They replied to him with similar signs, and
threw to him a small gilded wand. The soldier stooped to pick it
up, when suddenly a troop of savages rushed down to seize him ;
lie threw himself immediately upon the defensive, with sword and
target, and though but a small man, and far from robust, handled
his weapons with such dexterity and fierceness, that he kept the
savages at bay, making a clear circle round him, and wounding
several who attempted to break it. His unlooked-for prowess
surprised and confounded his assailants, and gave time for his
comrades to come to his assistance. The Indians then made a
general assault, with such a galling discharge of darts and arrows
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
4:!
that almost immediately eight or ten Spaniards were slain, and
many more wounded. The latter were compelled to retreat to their
boats disputing every inch of ground. The Indians pursued them
even into the water, surrounding the boats and seizing hold of the
oars. The Spaniards made a desperate defence, thrusting many
through with their lances, and cutting down and ripping up others
with their swords, but such was the ferocity of the survivors, that
they persisted in their attack until they overpowered the crew of
one of the boat 3, and bore it off in triumph. With this they re
tired from the ombat, and the Spaniards returned defeated and
disheartened -o their ships, having met with the roughest recep
tion that the Europeans had yet experienced in the New World.
Pinzon now stood forty leagues to the northwest, until he
arrived in the neighborhood of the equinoctial line. Here he
found the water of the sea so fresh that he was enabled to replen
ish his casks with it. Astonished at so singular a phenomenon,
he stood in for the land, and arrived among a number of fresh
, and verdant islands, inhabited by a gentle and hospitable race of
people, gayly painted, who came off to the ships with the most
frank and fearless confidence. Pinzon soon found that these
islands lay in the mouth of an immense river, more than thirty
leagues in breadth, the water of which entered upwards of forty
leagues into the sea before losing its sweetness. It was, in fact,
the renowned Maranon, since known as the Orellana and the
Amazon. While lying in the mouth of this river there was a
sudden swelling of the stream, which, being opposed by the cur
rent of the sea, and straitened by the narrow channels of the
islands, rose more than five fathoms, with mountain waves, and a
tremendous noise, threatening the destruction of the ships. Pin'
zon extricated his little squadron with great difficulty, and finding
44
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
there was but little gold, nor any thing else of value to be found
among the simple natives, he requited their hospitality, in the
mode too common among the early discoverers, by carrying off
thirty-six of them captive.
Having regained the sight of the polar star, Pinzon pursued
his course along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoko,
and entering the Gulf of Paria, where he landed and cut brazil
wood. Sallying forth by the Boca del Drago, he reached the
island of Hispaniola about the 23d of June, whence he sailed for
the Bahamas. Here, in the month of July, while at anchor, there
came such a tremendous hurricane that two of the caravels were
swallowed up with all their crews in the sight of their terrified
companions ; a third parted her cables and was driven out to sea,
while the fourth was so furiously beaten by the tempest that the
crew threw themselves into the boats and made for shore. Here
they found a few naked Indians, who offered them no molestation ;
but, fearing that they might spread the tidings of a handful of
shipwrecked Spaniards being upon the coast, and thus bring the
savages of the neighboring islands upon them, a council of war
was held whether it would not be a wise precaution to put these
Indians to death. Fortunately for the latter, the vessel which
had been driven from her anchors returned and put an end to the
alarm, and to the council of war. The other caravel also rode
out the storm uninjured, and the sea subsiding, the Spaniards
returned on board, and made the best of their way to the island
of Hispaniola. Having repaired the damages sustained in the
gale, they again made sail for Spain, and came to anchor in the
river before Palos, about the end of September.
Thus ended one of the most checkered and disastrous voyages
yet made to the New World. Yanez Pinzon had lost two of his
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
45
ships, and many of his men ; what made the loss of the latter
more grievous was, that they had been enlisted from among his
neighbors, his friends, and relatives. In fact, the expeditions to
the New "World must have realized the terrors and apprehensions
of the people of Palos by filling that little community with widows
and orphans. "When the rich merchants, who had sold goods to
Pinzon at a hundred per cent, advance, beheld him return in this
sorry condition, with two shattered barks and a handful of poor,
tattered, weather-beaten seamen, they began to tremble for their
money. No sooner, therefore, had he and his nephews departed
to Granada, to give an account of their discoveries to the sove
reigns, than the merchants seized upon their caravels and cargoes,
and began to sell them, to repay themselves. Honest Pinzon
immediately addressed a petition to the government, stating the
imposition practiced upon him, and the danger he was in of
imprisonment and utter ruin, should his creditors be allowed to
sacrifice his goods at a public sale. He petitioned that they
might be compelled to return the property thus seized, and that
he might be enabled to sell three hundred and fifty quintals of
brazil-wood, which he had brought back with him, and which
would be sufficient to satisfy the demands of his creditors. The
sovereigns granted his prayer. They issued an order to the civil
authorities of Palos to interfere in the matter, with all possible
promptness and brevity, allowing no vexatious delay, and admin
istering justice so impartially that neither of the parties should
have cause to complain.
Pinzon escaped from the fangs of his creditors, but, of course,
must have suffered in purse from the expenses of the law ; which,
in Spain, is apt to bury even a successful client under an over
whelming mountain of documents and writings. "We infer this in
4(i
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
respect to Pinzon from a royal order issued in the following year,
allowing him to export a quantity of grain, in consideration of
the heavy losses he had sustained in his voyage of discovery. He
did but share the usual lot of the Spanish discoverers, whose
golden anticipations too frequently ended in penury ; but he is
distinguished from among the crowd of them by being the first
European who crossed the equinoctial line, on the western ocean,
and by discovering the great kingdom of Brazil.*
* On the 5th of September, 1501, a royal permission was given to Vicente
Yanez Pinzon to colonize and govern the lands he had discovered, beginning a
little north of the river Amazon, and extending to Cape St. Augustine. The
object of the government in this permission was to establish an outpost and a
resolute commander on this southern frontier, to check any intrusions the Por
tuguese might make in consequence of the accidental discovery of a part of the
coast of Brazil by Pedro Alvarez Cabrai, in 1500. The subsequent arrange
ment of a partition line between the two countries prevented the necessity of
this precaution, and it does not appear that Vicente Yanez Pinzon made any
second voyage to those parts.
In 1506 he undertook an expedition in company with Juan Diaz de Solis, a
native of Lebrija, the object of which was to endeavor to find the strait or pas
sage supposed by Columbus to lead from the Atlantic to a Southern Ocean. It
was necessarily without success, as was also another voyage made by them, for
the same purpose, in 1508. A s no such passage exists, no blame could attach
to those able navigators for being foiled in the object of their search.
In consequence of the distinguished merits and services of the Pinzon
family, they were raised, by the Emperor Charles V, to the dignity of a Hidal-
guia, or nobility, without any express title, and a coat of arms was granted
them, on which were emblazoned three caravels, with a hand at the stern
pointing to an island covered with savages. This coat of arms is still main
tained by the family, who have added to it the motto granted to Columbus
merely substituting the name of Pinzon for that of the admiral,
A Castile y a Leon,
Nuevo Mnndo dio Pinzon.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
47
DIEGO DE LEPE AND RODRIGO DE BASTIDES.
[1500.]
N O T W I T H S T A N D I N G the hardships and disasters that had beset
the voyagers to the New World, and the penury in which their
golden anticipations had too frequently terminated, adventurers
continued to press forward, excited by fresh reports of newly dis
covered regions, each in its turn represented as the real land of
promise. Scarcely had Vicente Yanez Pinzon departed on the
voyage recently narrated, when his townsman Diego de Lepe like
wise set sail with two vessels from the busy little port of Palos,
on a like expedition. No particulars of importance are known
of this voyage, excepting that Lepe doubled Cape St. Augustine,
and beheld the southern continent stretching far to the southwest.
On returning to Spain he drew a chart of the coast for the Bishop
Fonseca, and enjoyed the reputation, for upwards of ten years
afterwards, of having extended his discoveries further south than
any other voyager.
Another contemporary adventurer to the New World was
Rodrigo de Bastides, a wealthy notary of Triana, the suburb of
Seville inhabited by the maritime part of its population. Being
sanctioned by the sovereigns, to whom he engaged to yield a
fourth of his profits, he fitted out two caravels in October, 1500,
to go in quest of gold and pearls.
48
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Prudently distrusting his own judgment in nautical matters,
this adventurous notary associated with him the veteran pilot Juan
de la Cosa, the same hardy Biscayan who had sailed with Colum
bus and Ojeda. A general outline of their voyage has already
been given in the life of Columbus ; it extended the discoveries
of the coast of Terra Firma from Cape de la Vela, where Ojeda
had left off, quite to the port of Nombre de Dios.
Bastides distinguished himself from the mass of discoverers
by his kind treatment of the natives, and Juan de la Cosa by his
sound discretion and his able seamanship. Their voyage had
been extremely successful, and they had collected, by barter, a
great amount of gold and pearls, when their prosperous career
was checked by an unlooked-for evil. Their vessels to their sur
prise became leaky in every part, and they discovered, to their
dismay, that the bottoms were pierced in innumerable places by
the broma, or worm, which abounds in the waters of the torrid
zone, but of which they, as yet, had scarcely any knowledge. It
was with great difficulty they could keep afloat until they reached
a small islet on the coast of Hispaniola. Here they repaired
their ships as well as they were able, and again put to sea to
return to Cadiz. A succession of gales drove them back to port ;
the ravages of the worms continued, the leaks broke out afresh ;
they landed the most portable and precious part of their wealthy
cargoes, and the vessels foundered with the remainder. Bastides
lost, moreover, the arms and ammunition saved from the wreck,
being obliged to destroy them lest they should fall into the hands
of the Indians.
Distributing his men into three bands, two of them headed by
La Cosa and himself, they set off for San Domingo by three
several routes, as the country was not able to furnish provisions
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
49
for so large a body. Each band was provided with a coffer stored
with trinkets and other articles of Indian traffic, with which to
buy provisions on the road.
Francisco de Bobadilla, the wrong-headed oppressor and su-
perseder of Columbus, was at that time Governor of San Do
mingo. The report reached him that a crew of adventurers had
landed on the island, and were marching through the country in
three bands, each provided with a coffer of gold, and carrying on
illicit trade with the natives. The moment Bastides made his
appearance, therefore, he was seized and thrown into prison, and
an investigation commenced. In his defence he maintained that
his only traffic with the natives was for the purpose of procuring
provisions for his followers, or guides for his journey. It was
determined, however, to send him to Spain for trial, with the
written testimony and the other documents of his examination.
He was accordingly conveyed in the same fleet in which Bob
adilla embarked for Spain, and which experienced such an awful
shipwreck in the sight .of Columbus. The ship of Rodrigo Bas
tides was one of the few which outlived the tempest : it arrived
safe at Cadiz in September, 1502. Bastides was ultimately ac
quitted of the charges advanced against him. So lucrative had
been his voyage, that, notwithstanding the losses sustained by the
foundering of his vessels, he was enabled to pay a large sum to
the crown as a fourth of his profits, and to retain a great amount
for himself. In reward of his services and discoveries the sove
reigns granted him an annual revenue for life, to arise from the
proceeds of the province of Uraba, which he had discovered.
An equal pension was likewise assigned to the hardy Juan de la
Cosa, to result from the same territory, of which he was appointed
Vol.. III.
D
se
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
alguazil mayor.* Such was the economical generosity of King
Ferdinand, who rewarded the past toils of his adventurous dis
coverers out of the expected produce of their future labors.
* Navarrete, Colec. torn. iii.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
51
SECOND VOYAGE OF ALONZO DE OJEDA.
[1502.]
T H E first voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda to the coast of Paria, and
its meagre termination in June, 1500, has been related. He
gained nothing in wealth by that expedition, but he added to his
celebrity as a bold and skillful adventurer. His youthful fire, his
sanguine and swelling spirit, and the wonderful stories told of his
activity and prowess, made him extremely popular, so that his
patron the Bishop Fonseca found it an easy matter to secure for
him the royal favor. In consideration of his past services and of
others expected from him, a grant was made to him of six leagues
of land on the southern part of Hispaniola, and the government
of the province of Coquibacoa which he had discovered. He
was, furthermore, authorized to fit out any number of ships, not
exceeding ten, at his own expense, and to prosecute the discovery
of the coast of Terra Firma. He was not to touch or traffic on
the pearl coast of Paria ; extending as far as a bay in the vicinity
of the island of Margarita. Beyond this he had a right to trade
in all kinds of merchandise, whether of pearls, jewels, metals, or
precious stones ; paying one-fifth of the profits to the crown, and
abstaining from making slaves of the Indians without a special
license from the sovereigns. He was to colonize Coquibacoa, and,
as a recompense, was to enjoy one-half of the proceeds of his ter-
D 2
53
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
ritory, provided the half did not exceed 300,000 maravedies : all
beyond that amount was to go to the crown.
A principal reason, however, for granting this government
and those privileges to Ojeda, was that, in his previous voyage, he
had met with English adventurers on a Voyage of Discovery in
the neighborhood of Coquibacoa, at which the jealousy of the
sovereigns had taken the alarm. They were anxious, therefore,
to establish a resolute and fighting commander like Ojeda upon
this outpost, and they instructed him to set up the arms of Castile
and Leon in every place he visited, as a signal of discovery and
possession, and to put a stop to the intrusions of the English.*
With this commission in his pocket, and the government of an
Indian territory in the perspective, Ojeda soon found associates
to aid him in fitting out an armament. These were Juan de Ver-
gara, a servant of a rich canon of the cathedral of Seville, and
Garcia de Campos, commonly called Ocampo. They made a
contract of partnership to last for two years, according to which
the expenses and profits of the expedition, and of the government
of Coquibacoa, were to be shared equally between them. The
purses of the confederates were not ample enough to afford ten
ships, but they fitted out four. 1st, The Santa Maria de la Anti
gua, commanded by Garcia del Campo ; 2d, The Santa Maria de
la Granada, commanded by Juan de Vergara ; 3d, The caravel
Magdalena, commanded by Pedro de Ojeda, nephew to Alonzo
and 4th, The caravel Santa Ana, commanded by Hernando de
Guevara. The whole was under the command of Alonzo de
Ojeda. The expedition set sail in 1502, touched at the Canaries,
according to custom, to take in provisions, and then proceeded
westward for the shores of the New World.
* Navarrete, torn. iii. Document x.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
53
After traversing the Gulf of Paria, and before reaching the
island of Margarita, the caravel Santa Ana, commanded by Her-
nan de Guevara, was separated from them, and for several days
the ships were mutually seeking each other in these silent and
trackless seas. After they were all reunited they found their
provisions growing scanty, they landed therefore at a part of the
coast called Cumana by the natives, but to which, from its beauty
and fertility, Ojeda gave the name of Valfermoso. While forag
ing here for their immediate supplies, the idea occurred to Ojeda
that he should want furniture and utensils of all kinds for his pro
posed colony, and that it would be better to pillage them from a
country where he was a mere transient visitor, than to wrest
them from his neighbors in the territory where he was to set up
his government. His companions were struck with the policy, if
not the justice, of this idea, and they all set to work to carry it
into execution. Dispersing themselves, therefore, in ambush in
various directions, they at a concerted signal rushed forth from
their concealment, and set upon the natives. Ojeda had issued
orders to do as little injury and damage as possible, and on no
account to destroy the habitations of the Indians. His followers,
however, in their great zeal, transcended his orders. Seven or
eight Indians were killed and many wounded in the skirmish
which took place, and a number of their cabins were wrapped in
flames. A great quantity of hammocks, of cotton, and of uten
sils of various kinds, fell into the hands of the conquerors ; they
also captured several female Indians, some of whom were ran
somed with the kind of gold called guanin ; some were retained
by Vergara for himself and "his friend Ocampo, others were dis
tributed among the crews, the rest, probably the old and ugly,
.54
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
were set at liberty. As to Ojeda, he reserved nothing for him
self of the spoil excepting a single hammock.
The ransom paid by the poor Indians for some of their effects
and some of their women yielded the Spaniards "a trifling quan
tity of gold, but they found the place destitute of provisions, and
Ojeda was obliged to dispatch Vergara in a caravel to the island
of Jamaica to forage for supplies, with instructions to rejoin him at
Maracaibo or Cape de la Vela.
Ojeda a length arrived at Coquibacoa, at the port destined for
his seat of government. He found the country, however, so poor
and sterile, that he proceeded along the coast to a bay which he
named Santa Cruz, but which is supposed to be the same at pre
sent called Bahia Honda, where he found a Spaniard who had
been left in the province of Citarma by Bastides in his late voy
age about thirteen months before, and had remained ever since
among the Indians, so that he had acquired their language.
Ojeda determined to form his settlement at this place ; but the
natives seemed disposed to defend their territory, for, the moment
a party landed to procure water, they were assailed by a galling
shower of arrows, and driven back to the ships. Upon this Ojeda
landed with all his force, and struck such terror into the Indians,
that they came forward with signs of amity, and brought a consi
derable quantity of gold as a peace-offering, which was graciously
accepted.
Ojeda, with the concurrence of his associates, now set to work
to establish a settlement, cutting down trees, and commencing a
fortress. They had scarce begun, when they were attacked by a
neighboring cacique, but Ojeda sallied forth upon him with such
intrepidity and effect as not merely to defeat, but to drive him
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
55
from the neighborhood. He then proceeded quietly to finish
his fortress, which was defended by lombards, and contained the
magazine of provisions, and the treasure amassed in the expedi
tion. The provisions were dealt out twice a day, under the in
spection of proper officers ; the treasure, gained by barter, by
ransom, or by plunder, was deposited in a strong box secured by
two locks, one key being kept by the royal supervisor, the other
by Ocampo.
In the meantime provisions became scarce. The Indians
never appeared in the neighborhood of the fortress, except to
harass it with repeated though ineffectual assaults. Vergara did
not appear with the expected supplies from Jamaica, and a cara
vel was dispatched in search of him. The people, worn out with
labor and privations of various kinds, and disgusted with the
situation of the settlement, which was in a poor and unhealthy
country, grew discontented and factious. They began to fear that
they should lose the means of departing, as their vessels were in
danger of being destroyed by the broma or worms. Ojeda led
them forth repeatedly upon foraging parties about the adjacent
country, and collected some provisions and booty in the Indian
villages. The provisions he deposited in the magazine, part of
the spoils he divided among his followers, and the gold he locked
up in the strong box, the keys of which he took possession of, to the
great displeasure of the supervisor and his associate Ocampo. The
murmurs of the people grew loud as their sufferings increased.
They insinuated that Ojeda had no authority over this part of the
coast, having passed the boundaries of his government, and formed
his settlement in the country discovered by Bastides. By the
time Vergara arrived from Jamaica, the factions of this petty
colony had risen to an alarming height. Ocampo had a personal
56
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
enmity to the governor, arising probably from some feud about the
strong box ; being a particular friend of Vergara he held a pri
vate conference with him, and laid a plan to entrap the doughty
Ojeda. In pursuance of this the latter was invited on board of
the caravel of Vergara, to see the provisions he had brought from
Jamaica ; but no sooner was he on board than they charged him
with having transgressed the limits of his government, with having
provoked the hostility of the Indians and heedlessly sacrificed
the lives of his followers, and above all with having taken posses
sion of the strong box, in contempt of the authority of the royal
supervisor, and with the intention of appropriating to himself all
the gains of the enterprise ; they informed him, therefore, of their
intention to convey him a prisoner to Hispaniola, to answer to the
governor for his offences. Ojeda finding himself thus entrapped,
proposed to Vergara and Ocampo that they should return to Spain
with such of the crews as chose to accompany them, leaving him
with the remainder to prosecute his enterprise. The two recreant
partners at first consented, for they were disgusted with the enter
prise, which offered little profit and severe hardships. They
agreed to leave Ojeda the smallest of the caravels with a third of
the provisions and of their gains, and to build a row-boat for him.
They actually began to labor upon the boat. Before ten days had
elapsed, however, they repented of their arrangement, the ship-
carpenters were ill, there were no calkers, and moreover they
*recollected that as Ojeda, according to their representations, was
a defaulter to the crown, they would be liable as his sureties,
should they return to Spain without him. They concluded, there
fore, that the wisest plan was to give him nothing, but to carry
him off prisoner.
When Ojeda learned the determination of his wary partners,
T H E C O M P A N I O N S O F C O L U M B U S .
57
he attempted to make his escape and get off to San Domingo, but
he was seized, thrown in irons, and conveyed on board of the
caravel. The two partners then set sail from Santa Cruz, bearing
off the whole community, its captive governor, and the litigated
strong box.
They put to sea about the beginning of September, and arrived
at the western part of the island of Hispaniola. While at an
chor, within a stone's throw of the land, Ojeda, confident in his
strength and skill as a swimmer, let himself quietly slide down
the side of the ship into the water during the night, and attempted
to swim for the shore. His arms were free, but his feet were
shackled, and the weight of his irons threatened to sink him. He
was obliged to shout for help ; a boat was sent from the vessel to
his relief, and the unfortunate governor was brought back half
drowned to his unrelenting partners.*
The latter now landed and delivered their prisoner into the
hands of Gallego, the commander of the place, to be put at the
disposal of the governor of the island. In the meantime, the
strong box, which appears to have been at the bottom of all these
feuds, remained in the possession of Vergara and Ocampo, who,
Ojeda says, took from it whatever they thought proper, without
regard to the royal dues, or the consent of the royal supervisor.
They were all together, prisoner and accusers, in the city of San
Domingo, about the end of September, 1502, when the chief
judge of the island, after hearing both parties, gave a verdict
against Ojeda, that stripped him of all his effects, and brought
him into debt to the crown for the royal proportion of the profits
of the voyage. Ojeda appealed to the sovereign, and, after some
time, was honorably acquitted, by the royal council, from all the
* Hist. Gen. de Viages. Herrera, Hist. Ind.
58
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
charges ; and a mandate was issued in 1503, ordering a restitution
of his property. It appears, however, that the costs of justice, or
rather of the law, consumed his share of the treasure of the
strong box, and that a royal order was necessary to liberate him
from the hands of the governor ; so that like too many other liti
gants, he finally emerged from the labyrinths of the law a trium
phant client, but a ruined man.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
53
THIRD VOYAGE OF ALONZO DE OJEDA.
C H A P T E R I.
OJEDA APPLIES FOR A COMMAND. HAS A RIVAL CANDIDATE
IN DIEGO D E NICUESA. HIS SUCCESS.
F O R several years after his ruinous, though successful lawsuit,
we lose all traces of Alonzo de Ojeda, excepting that we are told
he made another voyage to the vicinity of Coquibacoa, in 1505.
No record remains of this expedition, which seems to have been
equally unprofitable with the preceding, for we find him in 1508,
in the island of Hispaniola, as poor in purse, though as proud in
spirit, as ever. In fact, however fortune might have favored
him, he had a heedless squandering disposition that would always
have kept him poor.
About this time the cupidity of King Ferdinand was greatly
excited by the accounts given by Columbus of the gold mines of
Veragua, in which the admiral fancied he had discovered the
Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients, whence King Solomon pro
cured the gold, used in building the temple of Jerusalem. Sub
sequent voyagers had corroborated the opinion of Columbus as to
the general riches of the coast of Terra Firma ; King Ferdinand
resolved, therefore, to found regular colonies along that coast,
and to place the whole under some capable commander. A pro-
60
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
ject of the kind had been conceived by Columbus, when he
discovered that region in the course of his last voyage, and the
reader may remember the disasters experienced by his brother
Don Bartholomew and himself, in endeavoring to establish a
colony on the hostile shores of Veragua. The admiral being
dead, the person who should naturally have presented himself to
the mind of the sovereign for this particular service was Don
Bartholomew ; but, the wary and selfish monarch knew the Ade-
lantado to be as lofty in his terms as his late brother, and pre
ferred to accomplish his purposes by cheaper agents. He was
unwilling, also, to increase the consequence of a family, whose
vast but just claims were already a cause of repining to his
sordid and jealous spirit. He looked round, therefore, among the
crowd of adventurers, who had sprung up in the school of Colum
bus, for some individual ready to serve him on more accommoda
ting terms. Among those, considered by their friends as most
fitted for this purpose, was Alonzo de Ojeda, for his roving voy
ages and daring exploits had made him famous among the voya
gers ; and it was thought that an application on his part would
be attended with success, as he possessed a stanch friend at court
in the Bishop Fonseca. Unfortunately he was too far distant to
urge his suit to the bishop, and what was worse, he was destitute
of money. At this juncture there happened to be at Hispaniola
the veteran navigator and pilot, Juan de la Cosa, who was a kind
of Nestor in all nautical affairs.* The hardy Biscayan had sailed
* Peter Martyr gives the following weighty testimony to the knowledge
and skill of this excellent seaman :—" Of the Spaniards, as many as thought
themselves to have any knowledge of what pertained to measure the land and
sea, drew cardes (charts) on parchment as concerning these navigations. Of
all others they most esteem them which Juan de la Cosa, the companion of
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
61
with Ojeda, and had conceived a great opinion of the courage and
talents of the youthful adventurer. He had contrived, also, to
fill his purse in the course of his cruising, and now, in the gener
ous spirit of a sailor, offered to aid Ojeda with it in the prosecu
tion of his wishes.
His offer was gladly accepted ; it was agreed that Juan de la
Cosa should depart for Spain, to promote the appointment of
Ojeda to the command of Terra Firma, and, in case of success,
should fit out, with his own funds, the necessary armament.
La Cosa departed on his embassy ; he called on the Bishop
Fonseca, who, as had been expected, entered warmly into the
views of his favorite Ojeda, and recommended him to the ambi
tious and bigot king, as a man well fitted to promote his empire in
the wilderness, and to dispense the blessings of Christianity
among the savages.
The recommendation of the bishop was usually effectual in
the affairs of the New World, and the opinion of the veteran de
la Cosa had great weight even with the sovereign ; but a rival
candidate to Ojeda had presented himself, and one who had the
advantage of higher connections and greater pecuniary means.
This was Diego de Nicuesa, an accomplished courtier of noble
birth, who had filled the post of grand carver to Don Enrique
Enriquez, uncle of the king. Nature, education, and habit com
bined to form Nicuesa a complete rival of Ojeda. Like him he
was small of stature, but remarkable for symmetry and compact-
Ojeda, and another pilot, called Andres Morales, had set forth, and this, as well
for the great experience which both had, (to whom these tracks were as well
known as the chambers of their own house,) as also that they were thought to
be cunninger in that part of cosmography which teacheth the description and
measuring of the sea."—P. Martyr, decad. ii. cap. 10.
62 V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
ness of form, and for bodily strength and activity ; like him he
was master at all kinds of weapons, and skilled, not merely in
feats of agility, but in those graceful and chivalrous exercises,
which the Spanish cavaliers of those days inherited from the
Moors ; being noted for his vigor and address in the jousts or tilt
ing matches after the Moresco fashion. Ojeda himself could not
surpass him in feats of horsemanship, and particular mention is
made of a favorite mare, which he could make caper and caracole
in strict cadence to the sound of a viol ; besides all this, he was
versed in the legendary ballads or romances of his country, and
was renowned as a capital performer on the guitar ! Such were
the qualifications of this candidate for a command in the wilder
ness, as enumerated by the reverend Bishop Las Casas. It is
probable, however, that he had given evidence of qualities more
adapted to the desired post ; having already been out to Hispan
iola in the military train of the late Governor Ovando.
Where merits were so singularly balanced as those of Ojeda
and Nieuesa, it might have been difficult to decide ; King Ferdi
nand avoided the dilemma by favoring both ; not indeed by fur
nishing them with ships and money, but by granting patents and
dignities which cost nothing, and might bring rich returns. He
divided that part of the continent which lies along the Isthmus of
Darien into two provinces, the boundary line running through the
Gulf of Uraba. The eastern part, extending to Cape de la
Vela, was called New Andalusia, and the government of it given
to Ojeda. The other to the west, including Veragua, and reach
ing to Cape Gracias à Dios, was assigned to Nieuesa. The
island of Jamaica was given to the two governors in common, as
a place whence to draw supplies of provisions. Each of the
governors was to erect two fortresses in his district, and to enjoy
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
G3
for ten years the profits of all the mines he should discover, pay
ing to the crown one-tenth part the first year, one-ninth the second,
one-eighth the third, one-seventh the fourth, and one-fifth in each
of the remaining years.
Juan de la Cosa, who had been indefatigable in promoting
the suit of Ojeda, was appointed his lieutenant in the government,
with the post of alguazil mayor of the province. He immediately
freighted a ship and two brigantines, in which he embarked with
about two hundred men. It was a slender armament, but the
purse of the honest voyager was not very deep, and that of
Ojeda was empty. Nicuesa, having ampler means, armed four
large vessels and two brigantines, furnished them with abundant
munitions and supplies, both for the voyage and the projected
colony, enlisted a much greater force, and set sail in gay and
vaunting style, for the golden shores of Veragua, the Aurea Cher-
sonesus of his imagination.
C H A P T E R II. -
PEUD BETWEEN THE RIVAL GOVERNORS OJEDA AND NICUESA.
— A CHALLENGE.
[1509.]
T H E two rival armaments arrived at San Domingo about the
srme time. Nicuesa had experienced what was doubtless consid
ered a pleasant little turn of fortune by the way. Touching at
Santa Cruz, one of the Caribbee islands, he had succeeded in
capturing a hundred of the natives, whom he had borne off in his
G4
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
ships to be sold as slaves at Hispaniola. This was deemed justi
fiable in those days, even by the most scrupulous divines, from
the belief that the Caribs were all anthropophagi, or man-eaters ;
fortunately the opinion of mankind, in this more enlightened age,
makes but little difference in atrocity between the cannibal and
the kidnapper.
Alonzo de Ojeda welcomed with joy the arrival of his nauti
cal friend and future lieutenant in the government, the worthy
Juan de la Cosa ; still he could not but feel some mortification at
the inferiority of his armament to that of his rival Nieuesa,
whose stately ships rode proudly at anchor in the harbor of San
Domingo. He felt, too, that his means were inadequate to the
establishment of his intended colony. Ojeda, however, was not
long at a loss for pecuniary assistance. Like many free-spirited
men, who are careless and squandering of their own purses, hë
had a facility at commanding the purses of his neighbors. Among
the motley population of San Domingo there was a lawyer of
some abilities, the bachelor Martin Fernandez de Enciso, who
had made two thousand castillanos by his pleading ;* for it would
appear that the spirit of litigation was one of the first fruits of
civilized life transplanted to the New World, and flourished sur
prisingly among the Spanish colonists.
Alonzo de Ojeda became acquainted with the Bachelor, and
finding him to be of a restless and speculative character, soon
succeeded in inspiring him with a contempt for the dull but secure
and profitable routine of his office in San Domingo, and imbuing
him with his own passion for adventure. Above all, he dazzled
him with the offer to make him alcalde mayor, or chief judge of
* Equivalent to 10,050 dollars of the present day,
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S . 65
the provincial government he was about to establish in the wil
derness.
In an evil hour the aspiring Bachelor yielded to the tempta
tion, and agreed to invest all bis money in the enterprise. It was
arranged that Ojeda should depart with the armament which had
arrived from Spain, while the Bachelor should remain at Hispa
niola to beat up for recruits and provide supplies ; with these he
was to embark in a ship purchased by himself, and proceed to
join his high-mettled friend at the seat of his intended colony.
Two rival governors, so well matched as Ojeda and Nicuesa, and
both possessed of swelling spirits, pent up in small but active
bodies, could not remain long in a little place like San Domingo
without some collision. The island of Jamaica, which had been
assigned to them in common, furnished the first ground of conten
tion ; the province of Darien furnished another, each pretending
to include it within the limits of his jurisdiction. Their disputes
on these points ran so high that the whole place resounded with
them. In talking, however, Nicuesa had the advantage ; having
been brought up in the court, he was more polished and ceremo
nious, had greater self-command, and probably perplexed his
rival governor in argument. Ojeda was no great casuist, but he
was an excellent swordsman, and always ready to fight his way
through any question of right or dignity which he could not
clearly argue with the tongue ; so he proposed to settle the dis
pute by single combat. Nicuesa, though equally brave, was more
a man of the world, and saw the folly of such arbitrament
Secretly smiling at the heat of his antagonist, he proposed as a
preliminary to the duel, and to furnish something worth fighting
for, that each should deposit five thousand castillanos, to be the
prize of the victor. This, as he foresaw, was a temporary check
V O L . m.
•
66
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
upon the fiery valor of his rival, who did not possess a pistole in
his treasury ; but probably was too proud to confess it.
It is not likely, however, that the impetuous spirit of Ojeda
would long have remained in check, had not the discreet Juan de
la Cosa interposed to calm it. It is interesting to notice the great
ascendency possessed by this veteran navigator over his fiery
associate. Juan de la Cosa was a man whose strong natural good
sense had been quickened by long and hard experience ; whose
courage was above all question, but tempered by time and trial.
He seems to have been personally attached to Ojeda, as veterans
who have outlived the rash impulse of youthful valor, are apt to
love the fiery quality in their younger associates. So long as he
accompanied Ojeda in his enterprises he stood by him as a Mentor
in council, and a devoted partisan in danger.
In the present instance the interference of this veteran of
the seas had the most salutary effect : he prevented the impending
duel of the rival governors, and persuaded them to agree that the
river Darien should be the boundary line between their respec
tive jurisdictions.
The dispute relative to Jamaica was settled by the admiral,
Don Diego Columbus himself. He had already felt aggrieved
by the distribution of these governments by the king without his
consent or even knowledge, being contrary to the privileges
inherited from his father, the discoverer. It was in vain to con
tend, however, when the matter was beyond his reach and involved
in technical disputes. But as to the island of Jamaica, it in a
manner lay at his own door, and he could not brook its being
made a matter of gift to these brawling governors. "Without
waiting the slow and uncertain course of making remonstrances
to the king, he took the affair, as a matter of plain right, into his
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
67
own hands, and ordered a brave officer, Juan de Esquibel, the
same who had subjugated the province of Higuey, to take posses
sion of that island, with seventy men, and to hold it subject to his
command.
Ojeda did not hear of this arrangement until he was on the
point of embarking to make sail. In the heat of the moment he
loudly defied the power of the admiral, and swore that if he ever
found Juan de Esquibel on the island of Jamaica he would strike
off his head. The populace present heard this menace, and had
too thorough an idea of the fiery and daring character of Ojeda
to doubt that he would carry it into effect. Notwithstanding his
bravado, however, Juan de Esquibel proceeded according to his
orders to take possession of the island of Jamaica.
The squadron of Nieuesa lingered for some time after the
sailing of his rival. His courteous and engaging manners, aided
by the rumor of great riches in the province of Veragua, where
he intended to found his colony, had drawn numerous volunteers
to his standard, insomuch that he had to purchase another ship to
convey them.
Nieuesa was more of the courtier and the cavalier, than the
man of business, and had no skill in managing his pecuniary
affairs. He had expended his funds with a lavish hand, and
involved himself in debts which he had not the immediate means
of paying. Many of his creditors knew that his expedition was
regarded with an evil eye by the admiral, Don Diego Columbus ;
to gain favor with the latter, therefore, they threw all kinds of
impediments in the way of Nieuesa. Never was an unfortunate
gentleman more harassed and distracted by duns and demands,
one plucking at his skirts as soon as another was satisfied. He
succeeded, however, in getting all his forces embarked. He had
E 2
68
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
seven hundred men, well chosen and armed, together with six
horses. He chose Lope de Olano to be his captain-general, a
seemingly impolitic appointment, as this Olano had been concerned
with the notorious Roldan in his rebellion against Columbus.
The squadron sailed out of the harbor and put to sea, except
ing one ship, which, with anchor atrip and sails unfurled, waited
to receive Nicuesa, who was detained on shore until the last mo
ment by the perplexities artfully multiplied around him.
Just as he was on the point of stepping into his boat he was
arrested by the harpies of the law, and carried before the alcalde
mayor to answer a demand for five hundred ducats, which he
was ordered to pay on the spot, or prepare to go to prison.
This was a thunder-stroke to the unfortunate cavalier. In
vain he represented his utter incapacity to furnish such a sum at
the moment ; in vain he represented the ruin that would accrue
to himself and the vast injury to the public service, should he be
prevented from joining his expedition. The alcalde mayor was
inflexible, and Nicuesa was reduced to despair. At this critical
moment relief came from a most unexpected quarter. The heart
of a public notary was melted by his distress ! He stepped for
ward in court and declared that rather than see so gallant a gen
tleman reduced to extremity, he himself would pay down the
money. Nicuesa gazed at him with astonishment, and could
scarce believe his senses, but when he saw him actually pay off
the debt, and found himself suddenly released from this dreadful
embarrassment, he embraced his deliverer with tears of gratitude,
and hastened with all speed to embark, lest some other legal spell
should be laid upon his person.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
69
C H A P T E R III.
EXLPOITS AND DISASTERS OF OJEDA ON THE COAST OF CAR-
THAGENA. FATE OF THE VETERAN JUAN D E L A COSA.
[1509.]
I T was on the 10th of November, 1509, that Alonzo de Ojeda
set sail from San Domingo with two ships, two brigantines, and
three hundred men. He took with him also twelve brood mares.
Among the remarkable adventurers who embarked with him was
Francisco Pizarro, afterwards renowned as the conqueror of
Peru.* Hernando Cortez had likewise intended to sail in the
expedition, but was prevented by an inflammation in one of his
knees.
The voyage was speedy and prosperous, and they arrived late
in the autumn in the harbor of Carthagena. The veteran Juan
* Francisco Pizarro was a native of Truxillo in Estremadura. He was
the illegitimate fruit of an amour between Gonsalvo Pizarro, a veteran captain
of infantry, and a damsel in low life. His childhood was passed in groveling
occupations incident to the humble condition of his mother, and he is said to
have been a swineherd. When he had sufficiently increased in years and stat
ure he enlisted as a soldier. His first campaigns may have been against the
Moors in the war of Granada. He certainly served in Italy under the banner
of the Great Captain, Gonsalvo of Cordova. His roving spirit then induced
him to join the bands of adventurers to the New World. He was of ferocious
courage, and, when engaged in any enterprise, possessed an obstinate perse
verance neither to be deterred by danger, weakened by fatigue and hardship,
nor checked by repeated disappointment. After having conquered the great
kingdom of Peru, he was assassinated, at an advanced age in 1541, defending
himself bravely to the last.
70
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
de la Cosa was well acquainted with this place, having sailed as
pilot with Rodrigo de Bastides, at the time he discovered it in
1501. He warned Alonzo de Ojeda to be upon his guard, as the
natives were a brave and warlike race of Carib origin, far differ
ent from the soft and gentle inhabitants of the islands. They
wielded great swords of palm-wood, defended themselves with
osier targets, and dipped their arrows in a subtle poison. The
women as well as the men mingled in battle, being expert in
drawing the bow and throwing a species of lance called the aza-
gay. The warning was well timed, for the Indians of these parts
had been irritated by the misconduct of previous adventurers, and
flew to arms on the first appearance of the ships.
Juan de la Cosa now feared for the safety of the enterprise in
which he had person, fortune, and official dignity at stake. He
earnestly advised Ojeda to abandon this dangerous neighborhood,
and to commence a settlement in the Gulf of Uraba, where the
people were less ferocious, and did not use poisoned weapons.
Ojeda was too proud of spirit to alter his plans through fear of a
naked foe. It is thought, too, that he had no objection to a skir
mish, being desirous of a pretext to make slaves to be sent to
Hispaniola in discharge of the debts he had left unpaid.* He
landed, therefore, with a considerable part of his force, and a
number of friars, who had been sent out to convert the Indians.
His faithful lieutenant, being unable to keep him out of danger,
stood by to second him.
Ojeda advanced towards the savages, and ordered the friars
to read aloud a certain formula recently digested by profound
jurists and divines in Spain. It began in stately form. " I,
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 57, M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
71
Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the most high and mighty sovereigns
of Castile and Leon, conquerors of barbarous nations, their mes
senger and captain, do notify unto you and make you know, in
the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, created
the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, from
whom you and we and all the people of the earth proceeded and
are descendants, as well as all those who shall come hereafter."
The formula then went on to declare the fundamental principles
of the Catholic Faith ; the supreme power given to St. Peter
over the world and all the human race, and exercised by his rep
resentative the Pope ; the donation made by a late Pope of all
this part of the world and all its inhabitants to the Catholic sove
reigns of Castile ; and the ready obedience already paid by many
of its lands and islands and people to the agents and representa
tives of those sovereigns. It called upon those savages present,
therefore, to do the same, to acknowledge the truth of the Chris
tian doctrines, the supremacy of the Pope, and the sovereignty
of the Catholic King, but in case of refusal, denounced upon them
all the horrors of war, the desolation of their dwellings, the seiz
ure of their property, and the slavery of their wives and children.
Such was the extraordinary document, which, from this time for
ward, was read by the Spanish discoverers to the wondering sav
ages of any newly-found country, as a prelude to sanctify the
violence about to be inflicted on them.*
When the friars had read this pious manifesto, Ojeda made
signs of amity to the natives, and held up glittering presents.
They had already suffered, however, from the cruelties of white
* The reader will find the complete form of this curious manifesto in the
Appendix.
72
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES O F
men, and were not to be won by kindness. On the contrary they
brandished their weapons, sounded their conchs, and prepared to
make battle.
Juan de la Cosa saw the rising choler of Ojeda, and knew his
fiery impatience. He again entreated him to abandon these hos
tile shores, and reminded him of the venomous weapons of the
enemy. It was all in vain : Ojeda confided blindly in the protec
tion of the Virgin. Putting up, as usual, a short prayer to his
patroness, he drew his weapon, braced his buckler, and charged
furiously upon the savages. Juan de la Cosa followed as heartily
as if the battle had been of his own seeking. The Indians were
soon routed, a number killed, and several taken prisoners ; on
their persons were found plates of gold, but of an inferior quality.
Flushed by this triumph, Ojeda took several of the prisoners as
guides, and pursued the flying enemy four leagues into the interior.
He was followed, as usual, by his faithful lieutenant, the veteran
La Cosa, continually remonstrating against his useless temerity,
but hardily seconding him in the most hare-brained perils.
Having penetrated far into the forest, they came to a strong-hold
of the enemy, where a numerous force was ready to receive them,
armed with clubs, lances, arrows and bucklers. Ojeda led his
men to the charge with the old Castilian war cry, " Santiago !"
The savages soon took to flight. Eight of their bravest warriors
threw themselves into a cabin, and plied their bows and arrows so
vigorously, that the Spaniards were kept at bay. Ojeda cried
shame upon his followers to be daunted by eight naked men.
Stung by this reproach, an old Castilian soldier rushed through a
shower of arrows and forced the door of the cabin, but received
a shaft through the heart, and fell dead on the threshold. Ojeda,
furious at the sight, ordered fire to be set to the combustible edi-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
73
flee ; in a moment it was in a blaze, and the eight warriors
perished in the flames.
Seventy Indians were made captive and sent to the ships, and
Ojeda, regardless of the remonstrances of Juan de la Cosa, con
tinued his rash pursuit of the fugitives through the forest. In the
dusk of the evening they arrived at a village called Yurbaco ; the
inhabitants of which had fled to the mountains with their wives
and children and principal effects. The Spaniards, imagining
that the Indians were completely terrified and dispersed, now
roved in quest of booty among the deserted houses, which stood
distant from each other, buried among the trees. While they
were thus scattered, troops of savages rushed forth, with furious
yells, from all parts of the forest. The Spaniards endeavored to
gather together and support each other, but every little party
were surrounded by a host of foes. They fought with desperate
bravery, but for once their valor and their iron armor were of no
avail ; they were overwhelmed by numbers, and sank beneath
war clubs and poisoned arrows.
Ojeda on the first alarm collected a few soldiers and ensconced
himself within a small inclosure, surrounded by palisades. Here
he was closely besieged and galled by flights of arrows. He
threw himself on his knees, covered himself with his buckler,
and, being small and active, managed to protect himself from the
deadly shower, but all his companions were slain by his side, some
of them perishing in frightful agonies. At this fearful moment
the veteran La Cosa, having heard of the peril of his commander,
arrived with a few followers to his assistance. Stationing him
self at the gate of the palisades, the brave Biscayan kept the
savages at bay until most of his men were slain, and he himself
was severely wounded Just then Ojeda sprang forth like a tiger
74
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
into the midst of the enemy, dealing his blow3 on every side. La
Cosa would have seconded him, but was crippled by his wounds.
He took refuge with the remnant of his men in an Indian cabin ;
the straw roof of which he aided them to throw off, lest the
enemy should set it on fire. Here he defended himself until all
his comrades, but one, were destroyed. The subtle poison of his
wounds at length overpowered him, and he sank to the ground.
Feeling death at hand, he called to his only surviving companion.
" Brother," said he, " since God hath protected thee from harm,
sally forth and fly, and if ever thou shouldst see Alonzo de Ojeda,
tell him of my fate !"
Thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa, faithful and devoted to
the very last; nor can we refrain from pausing to pay a passing
tribute to his memory. He was acknowledged by his contempo
raries to be one of the ablest of those gallant Spanish navigators
who first explored the way to the New World. But it is by the
honest and kindly qualities of his heart that his memory is most
endeared to us ; it is, above all, by that loyalty in friendship dis
played in this his last and fatal expedition. Warmed by his at
tachment for a more youthful and hot-headed adventurer, we see
this wary veteran of the seas forgetting his usual prudence and
the lessons of his experience, and embarking heart and hand,
purse and person, in the wild enterprises of his favorite. W e
behold him watching over him as a parent, remonstrating with
him as a counselor, but fighting by him as a partisan-; following
him, without hesitation, into known and needless danger, to cer
tain death itself, and showing no other solicitude in his dying mo
ments, but to be remembered by his friend.
The history of these Spanish discoverers abounds in noble
and generous traits of character ; but few have charmed us more
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
75
than this instance of loyalty to the last gasp, in the death of the
stanch Juan de la Cosa. The Spaniard who escaped to tell the
story of his end, was the only survivor of seventy that had fol
lowed Ojeda in this rash and headstrong inroad.
C H A P T E R TV.
A R R I V A L OF NICUESA. VENGEANCE TAKEN ON THE INDIANS.
W H I L E these disastrous occurrences happened on shore, great
alarm began to be felt on board of the ships. Days had elapsed
since the party had adventured so rashly into the wilderness ;
yet nothing had been seen or heard of them, and the forest spread
a mystery over their fate. Some of the Spaniards ventured a
little distance into the woods, but were deterred by the distant
shouts and yells of the savages, and the noise of their conchs and
drums. Armed detachments then coasted the shore in boats,
landing occasionally, climbing rocks and promontories, firing
signal guns, and sounding trumpets. It was all in vain ; they
heard nothing but the echoes of their own noises, or perhaps the
wild whoop of an Indian from the bosom of the forest. At length,
when they were about to give up the search in despair, they came
to a great thicket of mangrove trees on the margin of the sea.
These trees grow within the water, but their roots rise, and are
intertwined above the surface. In this entangled and almost im
pervious grove, they caught a glimpse of a man in Spanish attire.
They entered, and, to their astonishment, found it to be Alonzo
de Ojeda. He was lying on the matted roots of the mangroves,
his buckler on his shoulder, and his sword in his hand ; but so
76
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
wasted with hunger and fatigue that he could not speak. They
bore him to the firm land ; made a fire on the shore to warm him,
for he was chilled with the damp and cold of his hiding-place,
and when he was a little revived they gave him food and wine.
In this way he gradually recovered strength to tell his doleful
story.*
He had succeeded in cutting his way through the host of sava
ges, and attaining the woody skirts of the mountains ; but when he
found himself alone, and that all his brave men had been cut off,
he was ready to yield up in despair. Bitterly did he reproach
himself for having disregarded the advice of the veteran La Cosa,
and deeply did he deplore the loss of that loyal follower, who had
fallen a victim to his devotion. He scarce knew which way to
bend his course, but continued on, in the darkness of the night
and of the forest, until out of hearing of the yells of triumph
uttered by the savages over the bodies of his men. "When the
day broke, he sought the rudest parts of the mountains, and hid
himself until the night ; then struggling forward among rocks,
and precipices, and matted forests, he made his way to the sea
side, but was too much exhausted to reach the ships. Indeed it
was wonderful that one so small of frame should have been able
* The picture here given is so much like romance, that the author quotes
his authority at length :—" Llegaron adonde havia, junto al agua de la mar,
unos Manglares, que son arboles, que siempre nacen, i crecen i permanecen
dientro del agua de la mar, con grandes raices, asidas, i enmaranadas Unas con
otras, i alii metido, i escondido hallaron à Alonso de Ojeda, con su espada en
la mano, i la rodela en las espaldas, i en alla sobre trecientas, seîîales de flech-
azos. Estabo descaido de hambre, que no podia hechar de si la habla ; i si no
fuera tan robusto, aunque chico de cuerpo, fiiera muerto."
Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 58. M S . Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. i. lib. vii. cap. 15.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S . 77
to endure such great hardships ; but he was of admirable strength
and hardihood. His followers considered his escape from death
as little less than miraculous, and he himself regarded it as
another proof of the special protection of the Virgin ; for, though
he had, as usual, received no wound, yet it is said his buckler
bore the dints of upwards of three hundred arrows.*
While the Spaniards were yet on the shore, administering to
the recovery of their commander, they beheld a squadron of ships
standing towards the harbor of Carthagena, and soon perceived
them to be the ships of Nicuesa. Ojeda was troubled in mind
at the sight, recollecting his late intemperate defiance of that
cavalier ; and, reflecting that, should he seek him in enmity, he
was in no situation to maintain his challenge or defend himself.
He ordered his men, therefore, to return on board the ships and
leave him alone on the shore, and not to reveal the place of
his retreat while Nicuesa should remain in the harbor.
As the squadron entered the harbor, the boats sallied forth to
meet it. The first inquiry of Nicuesa was concerning Ojeda.
The followers of the latter replied, mournfully, that their com
mander had gone on a warlike expedition into the country, but
days had elapsed without his return, so that they feared some
misfortune had befallen him. They entreated Nicuesa, therefore,
to give his word, as a cavalier, that should Ojeda really be in dis
tress, he would not take advantage of his misfortunes to revenge
himself for their late disputes.
Nicuesa, who was a gentleman of noble and generous spirit,
blushed with indignation at such a request. " Seek your com
mander instantly ;" said he, " bring him to me if he be alive ;
* Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 58, M S . Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. vii
cap. xv.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
and I pledge myself not merely to forget the past, but to aid him
as if he were a brother."*
When they met, Nicuesa received his late foe with open arms.
" It is not," said he, " for hidalgos, like men of vulgar souls, to
remember past différences when they behold one another in dis
tress. Henceforth let all that has occurred between us be forgot
ten. Command me as a brother. Myself and my men are at
your orders, to follow you wherever you please, until the deaths
of Juan de la Cosa and his comrades are revenged."
The spirits of Ojeda were once more lifted up by this gallant
and generous offer. The two governors, no longer rivals, landed
four hundred of their men and several horses, and set off with all
speed for the fatal village. They approached it in the night, and,
dividing their forces into two parties, gave orders that not an
Indian should be taken alive.
The village was buried in deep sleep, but the woods were
filled with large parrots, which, being awakened, made a prodi
gious clamor. The Indians, however, thinking the Spaniards all
destroyed, paid no attention to these noises. It was not until
their houses were assailed, and wrapped in flames, that they took
the alarm. They rushed forth, some with arms, some weapon
less, but were received at their doors by the exasperated Span
iards, and either slain on the spot, or driven back into the fire.
Women fled wildly forth with children in their arms, but at sight
of the Spaniards glittering in steel, and of the horses, which
they supposed ravenous monsters, ran back, shrieking with hor
ror, into their burning habitations. Great was the carnage, for
no quarter was shown to age or sex. Many perished by the fire,
and many by the sword.
* Las Casas, ubi sup.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
79
When they had fully glutted their vengeance, the Spaniards
ranged about for booty. While thus employed, they found the
body of the unfortunate Juan de la Cosa. It was tied to a tree,
but swollen and discolored in a hideous manner by the poison of
the arrows with which he had been slain. This dismal spectacle
had such an effect upon the common men, that not one would
remain in that place during the night. Having sacked the village,
therefore, they left it a smoking ruin, and returned in triumph to
their ships. The spoil in gold and other articles of value must
have been great, for the share of Nieuesa and his men amounted
to the value of seven thousand castillanos.* The two governors,
now faithful confederates, parted with many expressions of friend
ship, and with mutual admiration of each other's prowess ; and
Nieuesa continued his voyage for the coast of Veragua.
C H A P T E R V.
OJEDA FOUNDS THE COLONY OF SAN SEBASTIAN. BELEA
GUERED BY THE INDIANS.
OJEDA now adopted, though tardily, the advice of his unfortunate
lieutenant, Juan de la Cosa, and, giving up all thoughts of colo
nizing this disastrous part of the coast, steered his course for the
Gulf of Uraba. He sought for some time the river Darien,
famed among the Indians as abounding in gold, but not finding it,
landed in various places, seeking a favorable site for his intended
colony. His people were disheartened by the disasters they had
* Equivalent to 37,281 dollars of the present day.
80
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
already undergone, and the appearance of surrounding objects
was not calculated to reassure them. The country, though fertile,
and covered with rich and beautiful vegetation, was in their eyes
a land of cannibals and monsters. They began to dread the
strength as well as fierceness of the savages, who could transfix
a man with their arrows even when covered with armor, and
whose shafts were tipped with deadly poison. They heard the
howlings of tigers, panthers, and, as they thought, lions in the
forests, and encountered large and venomous serpents among the
rocks and thickets. A s they were passing along the banks of a
river, one of their horses was seized by the leg by an enormous
alligator, and dragged beneath the waves.*
At length Ojeda fixed upon a place for his town, on a height
at the east end of the gulf. Here, landing all that could be
spared from the ships, he began, with all diligence, to erect
houses, giving this embryo capital of his province the name of
San Sebastian, in honor of that sainted martyr, who was slain by
arrows ; hoping he might protect the inhabitants from the impoi-
soned shafts of the savages. As a further protection, he erected
a large wooden fortress, and sorrounded the place with a stockade.
Feeling, however, the inadequacy of his handful of men to con
tend with the hostile tribes around him, he dispatched a ship to
Hispaniola, with a letter to the Bachelor, Martin Fernandez de
Enciso, his alcalde mayor, informing him of his having estab
lished his seat of government, and urging him to lose no time in
joining him with all the recruits, arms and provisions he could
command. B y the same ship he transmitted to San Domingo all
the captives and gold he had collected.
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib vii cap. 16.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
SI
His capital being placed in a posture of defence, Ojeda now
thought of making a progress through his wild territory ; and set
out, accordingly, with an armed band, to pay a friendly visit to a
neighboring cacique, reputed as possessing great treasures of gold.
The natives, however, had by this time learnt the nature of these
friendly visits, and were prepared to resist them. Scarcely had
the Spaniards entered into the defiles of the surrounding forest,
when they were assailed by flights of arrows from the close
coverts of the thickets. Some were shot dead on the spot, others,
less fortunate, expired raving with the torments of the poison ;
the survivors, filled with horror at the sight, and losing all pres
ence of mind, retreated in confusion to the fortress.
It was some time before Ojeda could again persuade his men
to take the field, so great was their dread of the poisoned weapons
of the Indians. At length their provisions began to fail, and they
were compelled to forage among the villages in search, not of
gold, but of food.
In one of their expeditions they were surprised by an ambus
cade of savages, in a gorge of the mountains, and attacked with
such fury and effect, that they were completely routed, and pur
sued with yells and howlings to the very gates of San Sebastian.
Many died, in excruciating agony, of their wounds, and others
recovered with extreme difficulty. Those who were well, no
longer dared to venture forth in search of food ; for the whole
forest teemed with lurking foes. They devoured such herbs and
roots as they could find, without regard to their quality. The
humors of their bodies became corrupted, and various diseases,
combined with the ravages of famine, daily thinned their num
bers. The sentinel who feebly mounted guard at night, was
often found dead at his post in the morning. Some stretched
VOL. I I I .
p
89
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
themselves on the ground and expired of mere famine and debil
ity ; nor was death any longer regarded as an evil, but rather as
a welcome relief from a life of horror and despair.
C H A P T E R VT.
ALONZO D E OJEDA SUPPOSED BY THE SAVAGES TO HAVE A
CHARMED LIFE. THEIR EXPERIMENT TO TRY THE FACT.
I N the meantime the Indians continued to harass the garrison,
lying in wait to surprise the foraging parties, cutting off all strag
glers, and sometimes approaching the walls in open defiance. On
such occasions Ojeda sallied forth at the head of his men, and
from his great agility was the first to overtake the retreating foe.
He slew more of their warriors with his single arm than all his
followers together. Though often exposed to showers of arrows,
none had ever wounded him, and the Indians began to think he
had a charmed life. Perhaps they had heard from fugitive pris
oners, the idea entertained by himself and his followers of his
being under supernatural protection. Determined to ascertain
the fact, they placed four of their most dextrous archers in am
bush with orders to single him out. A number of them advanced
towards the fort sounding their conchs and drums, and uttering
yells of defiance. As they expected, the impetuous Ojeda sallied
forth immediately at the head of his men. The Indians fled
towards the ambuscade, drawing him in heedless pursuit. The
archers waited until he was full in front, and then launched their
deadly shafts. Three struck his buckler and glanced harmlessly
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
83
off, but the fourth pierced his thigh. Satisfied that he was
wounded beyond the possibility of cure, the savages retreated
with shouts of triumph.
Ojeda was borne back to the fortress in great anguish of body
and despondency of spirit. For the first time in his life he had
lost blood in battle. The charm in which he had hitherto con
fided was broken ; or rather, the Holy Virgin appeared to have
withdrawn her protection. He had the horrible death of his fol
lowers before his eyes, who had perished of their wounds in
raving frenzy.
One of the symptoms of the poison was to shoot a thrilling
chill through the wounded part ; from this circumstance, perhaps,
a remedy suggested itself to the imagination of Ojeda, which few
but himself could have had the courage to undergo. He caused
two plates of iron to be made red hot, and ordered a surgeon to
apply them to each orifice of the wound. The surgeon shuddered
and refused, saying he would not be the murderer of his general.*
Upon this Ojeda made a solemn vow that he would hang him un
less he obeyed. To avoid the gallows, the surgeon applied the
glowing plates. Ojeda refused to be tied down, or that any one
should hold him during this frightful operation. He endured it
without shrinking or uttering a murmur, although it so inflamed
his whole system, that they had to wrap him in sheets steeped in
vinegar, to allay the burning heat which raged throughout his
body ; and we are assured that a barrel of vinegar was exhausted
for the purpose. The desperate remedy succeeded: the cold
poison, says Bishop Las Casas, was consumed by the vivid fire.t
How far the venerable historian is correct in his postulate, sur-
* Charlevoix, ut sup. p. 293. t Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 59, M S .
F 2
f4
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
geons may decide ; but many incredulous persons will be apt to
account for the cure by surmising that the arrow was not en
venomed.
C H A P T E R V I I .
ARRIVAL OF A STRANGE SHIP AT SAN SEBASTIAN.
A L O N Z O DE OJEDA, though pronounced out of danger, was still
disabled by his wound, and his helpless situation completed the
despair of his companions ; for while he was in health and vigor,
his buoyant and mercurial spirit, his active, restless, and enter
prising habits, imparted animation, if not confidence, to every one
around him. The only hope of relief was from the sea, and that
was nearly extinct, when one day, to the unspeakable joy of the
Spaniards, a sail appeared on the horizon. It made for the port
and dropped anchor at the foot of the height of San Sebastian,
and there was no longer a doubt that it was the promised succor
from San Domingo.
The ship came indeed from the island of Hispaniola, but it
had not been fitted out by the Bachelor Enciso. The command
er's name was Bernardino de Talavera. This man was one of
the loose heedless adventurers who abounded in San Domingo.
His carelessness and extravagance had involved him in debt, and
he was threatened with a prison. In the height of his difficulties
the ship arrived which Ojeda had sent to San Domingo, freighted
with slaves and gold, an earnest of the riches to be found at San
Sebastian. Bernardo de Talavera immediately conceived the
project of giving his creditors the slip, and escaping to this new
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
85
settlement. He understood that Ojeda was in need of recruits,
and felt assured that, from his own reckless conduct in money
matters, he would sympathize with any one harassed by debt. He
drew into his schemes a number of desperate debtors like him
self, nor was he scrupulous about filling up his ranks with recruits
whose legal embarrassments arose from more criminal causes.
Never did a more vagabond crew engage in a project of colo
nization.
How to provide themselves with a vessel was now the ques
tion. They had neither money nor credit ; but they had cunning
and courage, and were troubled by no scruples of conscience ;
thus qualified, a knave will often succeed better for a time than
an honest man ; it is in the long run that he fails, as will be illus
trated in the case of Talavera and his hopeful associates. While
casting about for means to escape to San Sebastian, they heard
of a vessel belonging to certain Genoese, which was at Cape
Tiburon, at the western extremity of the island, taking in a cargo
of bacon and cassava bread for San Domingo. Nothing could
have happened more opportunely : here was a ship, amply stored
with provisions, and ready to their hand ; they had nothing to do
but seize it and embark.
The gang, accordingly, seventy in number, made their way
separately and secretly to Cape Tiburon, where, assembling at
an appointed time and place, they boarded the vessel, overpow
ered the crew, weighed anchor and set sail. They were heedless,
hap-hazard mariners, and knew little of the management of a
vessel ; the historian Charlevoix thinks, therefore, that it was a
special providence which guided them to San Sebastian. Whe
ther or not the good father is right in his opinion, it is certain
86
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
that the arrival of the ship rescued the garrison from the very
brink of destruction.*
Talavera and his gang, though they had come lightly by their
prize, were not disposed to part with it as frankly, but demanded
to be paid down in gold for the provisions furnished to the
starving colonists. Ojeda agreed to their terms, and taking the
supplies into his possession, dealt them out sparingly to his com
panions. Several of his hungry followers were dissatisfied with
their portions, and even accused Ojeda of unfairness in reserving
an undue share for himself. Perhaps there may have been some
ground for this charge, arising, not from any selfishness in the
character of Ojeda, but from one of those superstitious fancies
with which his mind was tinged ; for we are told that, for many
years, he had been haunted by a presentiment that he should
eventually die of hunger, f
This lurking horror of the mind may have made him depart
from his usual free and lavish spirit in doling out these providen
tial supplies, and may have induced him to set by an extra por
tion for himself, as a precaution against his anticipated fate ; cer
tain it is, that great clamors rose among his people, some of whom
threatened to return in the pirate vessel to Hispaniola. He suc
ceeded, however, in pacifying them for the present, by represent
ing the necessity of husbanding their supplies, and by assuring
them that the Bachelor Enciso could not fail soon to arrive, when
there would be provisions in abundance.
* Hist. S. Domingo, lib. iv. t Herrera, decad. i. lib. viii. cap. 3.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
87
C H A P T E R V I I I .
FACTIONS IN THE COLONY. A CONVENTION MADE.
DAYS and days elapsed, but no relief arrived at San Sebastian.
The Spaniards kept a ceaseless watch upon the sea, but the pro
mised ship failed to appear. "With all the husbandry of Ojeda
the stock of provisions was nearly consumed ; famine again pre
vailed, and several of the garrison perished through their various
sufferings and their lack of sufficient nourishment. The survivors
now became factious in their misery, and a plot was formed among
them to seize upon one of the vessels In the harbor and make
sail for Hispaniola.
Ojeda discovered their intentions, and was reduced to great
perplexity. He saw that to remain here without relief from
abroad was certain destruction, yet he clung to his desperate en
terprise. It was his only chance for fortune or command ; for
should this settlement be broken up, he might try in vain, with
his exhausted means and broken credit, to obtain another post or
set on foot another expedition. Ruin in fact would overwhelm
him, should he return without success.
He exerted himself, therefore, to the utmost to pacify his men ;
representing the folly of abandoning a place where they had
established a foothold, and where they only needed a reinforce
ment to enable them to control the surrounding country, and to
make themselves masters of its riche3. Finding they still demur
red, he offered, now that he was sufficiently recovered from his
wound, to go himself to San Domingo in quest of reinforcements
and supplies.
88
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
This offer had the desired effect. Such confidence had the
people in the energy, ability, and influence of Ojeda, that they
felt assured of relief should he seek it in person. They made a
kind of convention with him, therefore, in which it was agreed
that they should remain quietly at Sebastian's for the space of
fifty days. At the end of this time, in case no tidings had been
received of Ojeda, they were to be at liberty to abandon the set
tlement and return in the brigantines to Hispaniola. In the
meantime Francisco Pizarro was to command the colony as Lieu
tenant of Ojeda, until the arrival of his alcalde mayor, the
Bachelor Enciso. This convention being made, Ojeda embarked
in the ship of Bernardino de Talavera. That cutpurse of the
ocean and his loose-handed crew were effectually cured of their
ambition to colonize. Disappointed in the hope of finding abun
dant wealth at San Sebastian, and dismayed at the perils and hor
rors of the surrounding wilderness, they preferred returning to
Hispaniola, even at the risk of chains and dungeons. Doubtless
they thought that the influence of Ojeda would be sufficient to
obtain their pardon, especially as their timely succor had been
the salvation of the colony.
C H A P T E R I X .
DISASTROUS VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN THE PIRATE SHIP.
OJEDA had scarce put to sea in the ship of these freebooters,
when a quarrel arose between him and Talavera. Accustomed to
take the lead among his companions, still feeling himself gover
nor, and naturally of a domineering spirit, Ojeda, on coming on
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
89
board, bad assumed the command as a matter of course. Tala
vera, who claimed dominion over the ship, by the right no doubt
of trover and conversion, or, in other words, of downright piracy,
resisted this usurpation.
Ojeda, as usual, would speedily have settled the question by
the sword, but he had the whole vagabond crew against him, who
overpowered him with numbers and threw him in irons. Still
his swelling spirit was unsubdued. He reviled Talavera and his
gang as recreants, traitors, pirates, and offered to fight the whole
of them successively, provided they would give him a clear deck,
and come on two at a time. Notwithstanding his diminutive size,
they had too high an idea of his prowess, and had heard too
much of his exploits, to accept his challenge ; so they kept him
raging in his chains while they pursued their voyage.
They had not proceeded far, however, when a violent storm
arose. Talavera and his crew knew little of navigation, and
were totally ignorant of those seas. The raging of the elements,
the baffling winds and currents, and the danger of unknown rocks
and shoals, filled them with confusion and alarm. They knew
not whither they were driving before the storm, or where to seek
for shelter. In this hour of peril they called to mind that Ojeda
was a sailor as well as a soldier, and that he had repeatedly
navigated these seas. Making a truce, therefore, for the common
safety, they took off his irons, on condition that he would pilot
the vessel during the remainder of the voyage.
Ojeda acquitted himself with his accustomed spirit and intre
pidity ; but the vessel had already been swept so far to the west
ward that all his skill was ineffectual in endeavoring to work up
to Hispaniola against storms and adverse currents. Borne away
by the Gulf Stream, and tempest-tost for many days, until the
90
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
shattered vessel was almost in a foundering condition, he saw no
alternative but to run it ashore on the southern coast of Cuba.
Here then the crew of freebooters landed from their prize in
more desperate plight than when they first took possession of it.
They were on a wild and unfrequented coast ; their vessel lay a
wreck upon the sands, and their only chance was to travel on foot
to the eastern extremity of the island, and seek some means of
crossing to Hispaniola, where, after all their toils, they might
perhaps only arrive to be thrown into a dungeon. Such, however,
is the yearning of civilized men after the haunts of cultivated
society, that they set out, at every risk, upon their long and pain
ful journey.
C H A P T E R X .
TOILSOME MARCH OF OJEDA AND HIS COMPANIONS THROUGH
THE MORASSES OF CUBA.
NOTWITHSTANDING the recent services of Ojeda, the crew of
Talavera still regarded him with hostility ; but, if they had felt
the value of his skill and courage at sea, they were no less sensi
ble of their importance on shore, and he soon acquired that
ascendency over them which belongs to a master-spirit in time
of trouble.
Cuba was as yet uncolonized. It was a place of refuge to the
unhappy natives of Hayti, who fled hither from the whips and
chains of their European taskmasters. The forests abounded
with these wretched fugitives, who often opposed themselves to
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
M
the shipwrecked party, supposing them to be sent by their late
masters to drag them back to captivity.
Ojeda easily repulsed these attacks ; but found that these
fugitives had likewise inspired the villagers with hostility to all
European strangers. Seeing that his companions were too feeble
and disheartened to fight their way through the populous parts
of the island, or to climb the rugged mountains of the interior,
he avoided all towns and villages, and led them through the close
forests and broad green savannas which extended between the
mountains and the sea.
He had only made a choice of evils. The forests gradually
retired from the coast The savannas, where the Spaniards at
first had to contend merely with long rank grass and creeping
vines, soon ended in salt marshes, where the oozy bottom yielded
no firm foothold, and the mud and water reached to their knees.
Still they pressed forward, continually hoping in a little while to
arrive at a firmer soil, and flattering themselves they beheld
fresh meadow-land before them, but continually deceived. The
farther they proceeded, the deeper grew the mire, until, after
they had been eight days on this dismal journey, they found
themselves in the centre of a vast morass, where the water reached
to their girdles. Though thus almost drowned, they were tor
mented with incessant thirst, for all the water around them was
as briny as the ocean. They suffered too the cravings of extreme
hunger, having but a scanty supply of cassava bread and cheese,
and a few potatoes and other roots, which they devoured raw.
When they wished to sleep, they had to climb among the twisted
roots of mangrove trees, which grew in clusters in the water.
Still the dreary marsh widened and deepened. In many places
they had to cross rivers and inlets ; where some, who could
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
not swim, were drowned, and others were smothered in the
mire.
Their situation became wild and desperate. Their cassava
bread was spoiled by the water, and their stock of roots nearly
exhausted. The interminable morass still extended before them,
while, to return, after the distance they had come, was hopeless.
Ojeda alone kept up a resolute spirit, and cheered and urged
them forward. He had the little Flemish painting of the Madona,
which had been given him by the Bishop Fonseca, carefully
stored among the provisions in his knapsack. Whenever he
stopped to repose among the roots of the mangrove trees, he took
out this picture, placed it among the branches, and kneeling,
prayed devoutly to the Virgin for protection. This he did
repeatedly in the course of the day, and prevailed upon his com
panions to follow his example. Nay, more, at a moment of great
despondency, he made a solemn vow to his patroness that if she
conducted him alive through this peril, he would erect a chapel
in the first Indian village he should arrive at ; and leave her pic
ture there, to remain an object of adoration to the Gentiles.*
This frightful morass extended for the distance of thirty
leagues, and was so deep and difficult, so entangled by roots and
creeping vines, so cut up by creeks and rivers, and so beset by
quagmires, that they were thirty days in traversing it. Out of
the number of seventy men that set out from the ship but thirty-
five remained. " Certain it is," observes the venerable Las Casas,
" the sufferings of the Spaniards in the New World, in search of
wealth, have been more cruel and severe than ever nation in the
world endured; but those experienced by Ojeda and his men
have surpassed all others."
* Las Casas, Hisl. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 60, M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
9.-)
They were at length so overcome by hunger and fatigue, that
some lay down and yielded up the ghost, and others, seating
themselves among the mangrove trees, waited in despair for
death to put an end to their miseries. Ojeda, with a few of the
lightest, and most vigorous, continued to struggle forward, and,
to their unutterable joy, at length arrived to where the land was
firm and dry. They soon descried a footpath, and, following it,
arrived at an Indian village, commanded by a cacique called
Cueybàs. No sooner did they reach the village than they sank
to the earth exhausted.
The Indians gathered round and gazed at them with wonder ;
but when they learnt their story, they exhibited a humanity that
would have done honor to the most professing Christians. They
bore them to their dwellings, set meat and drink before them,
and vied with each other in discharging the offices of the kindest
humanity. Finding that a number of their companions were
still in the morass, the cacique sent a large party of Indians with
provisions for their relief ; with orders to bring on their shoulders
such as were too feeble to walk. " T h e Indians," says the
Bishop Las Casas, " did more than they were ordered ; for so
they always do, when they are not exasperated by ill treatment.
The Spaniards were brought to the village, succored, cherished
consoled, and almost worshiped as if they had been angels."
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X I .
OJEDA PERFORMS HIS V O W TO THE VIRGIN.
BEING recovered from his sufferings, Alonzo de Ojeda prepared
to perform his vow concerning the picture of the Virgin, though
sorely must it have grieved him to part with a relic to which he
attributed his deliverance from so many perils. He built a little
hermitage or oratory in the village, and furnished it with an
altar, above which he placed the picture. He then summoned the
benevolent cacique, and explained to him, as well as his limited
knowledge of the language, or the aid of interpreters would
permit, the main points of the Catholic faith, and especially the
history of the Virgin, whom he represented as the mother of the
deity that reigned in the skies, and the great advocate for mortal
man.
The worthy cacique listened to him with mute attention, and
though he might not clearly comprehend the doctrine, yet he
conceived a profound veneration for the picture. The sentiment
was shared by his subjects. They kept the little oratory always
swept clean, and decorated it with cotton hangings, labored by
their own hands, and with various votive offerings. They com
posed couplets or areytos in honor of the Virgin, which they
sang to the accompaniment of rude musical instruments,
dancing to the sound under the groves which surrounded the
hermitage.
A further anecdote concerning this relic may not be unaccept
able. The venerable Las Casas, who records these facts, informs
us that he arrived at the village of Cueybàs some time after the
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
95
departure of Ojeda. He found the oratory preserved with the
most religious care, as a sacred place, and the picture of the Vir
gin regarded with fond adoration. The poor Indians crowded to
attend mass, which he performed at the altar ; they listened at
tentively to his paternal instructions, and at his request brought
their children to be baptized. The good Las Casas having heard
much of this famous relic of Ojeda, was desirous of obtaining
possession of it, and offered to give the cacique, in exchange, an
image of the Virgin which he had brought with him. The chief
tain made an evasive answer, and seemed much troubled in mind.
The next morning he did not make his appearance.
Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but found the
altar stripped of its precious relic. On inquiring, he learnt that
in the night the cacique had fled to the woods, bearing off with
him his beloved picture of the Virgin. It was in vain that Las
Casas sent messengers after him, assuring him that he should not
be deprived of the relic, but, on the contrary, that the image
should likewise be presented' to him. The cacique refused to
venture from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did he return to his
village and replace the picture in the oratory until after the de
parture of the Spaniards.*
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. cap. 61, M S . Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. i. lib. ix.
cap. 15.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X I I .
A R R I V A L O F O J E D A A T J A M A I C A . H I S R E C E P T I O N B Y J U A N
D E E S Q U I B E L .
W H E N the Spaniards were completely restored to health and
strength, they resumed their journey. The cacique sent a large
body of his subjects to carry their provisions and knapsacks, and
to guide them across a desert tract of country to the province of
Macaca, where Christopher Columbus had been hospitably enter
tained on his voyage along the coast. They experienced equal
kindness from its cacique and his people, for such seems almost
invariably the case with the natives of these islands, before they
had held much intercourse with Europeans.
The province of Macaca was situated at Cape de la Cruz,
the nearest point to the island of Jamaica. Here Ojeda learnt
that there were Spaniards settled oh that island, being in fact the
party commanded by the very Juan de Esquibel, whose head he
had threatened to strike off, when departing in swelling style from
San Domingo. It seemed to be the fortune of Ojeda to have his
bravadoes visited on his head in times of trouble and humiliation.
He found himself compelled to apply for succor to the very man
he had so vaingloriously menaced. This was no time, however,
to stand on points of pride ; he procured a canoe and Indians
from the cacique of Macaca, and one Pedro de Ordas undertook
the perilous voyage of twenty leagues in the frail bark, and
arrived safe at Jamaica.
No sooner did Esquibel receive the message of Ojeda, than,
forgetting past menaces, he instantly dispatched a caravel to bring
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S 97
to him the unfortunate discoverer and his companions. He re
ceived him with the utmost kindness, lodged him in his own house,
and treated him in all things with the most delicate attention.
He was a gentleman who had seen prosperous days, but had fallen
into adversity and been buffeted about the world, and had learnt
how to respect the feelings of a proud spirit in distress. Ojeda
had the warm, touchy heart to feel such conduct ; he remained
several days with Esquibel in frank communion, and when he
sailed for San Domingo they parted the best of friends.
And here we cannot but remark, the singular difference in
character and conduct of these Spanish adventurers when dealing
with each other, or with the unhappy natives. Nothing could be
more chivalrous, urbane, and charitable ; nothing more pregnant
with noble sacrifices of passion and interest, with magnanimous
instances of forgiveness of injuries and noble contests of gener
osity, than the transactions of the discoverers with each other ;
but the moment they turned to treat with the Indians, even with
brave and high-minded caciques, they were vindictive, blood
thirsty, and implacable. The very Juan de Esquibel, who could
requite the recent hostility of Ojeda with such humanity and
friendship, was the same, who, under the government of Ovando,
laid desolate the province of Higuey in Hispaniola, and inflicted
atrocious cruelties upon its inhabitants.
When Alonzo de Ojeda set sail for San Domingo, Bernaldino
de Talavera and his rabble adherents remained at Jamaica. They
feared to be brought to account for their piratical exploit in
stealing the Genoese vessel, and that, in consequence of their re
cent violence to Ojeda, they would find in him an accuser rather
than an advocate. The latter, however, in the opinion of Las
Casas, who knew him well, was not a man to make accusations.
VOL. I I I .
G
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
With all his faults he did not harbor malice. He was quick and
fiery, it is true, and his sword was too apt to leap from its scab
bard on the least provocation ; but after the first flash all was
over, and, if he cooled upon an injury, he never sought for
vengeance.
C H A P T E R X I I I .
ARRIVAL OF ALONZO DE OJEDA AT SAN DOMINGO. CONCLU
SION OF HIS STORY.
ON arriving at San Domingo, the first inquiry of Alonzo de Ojeda
was after the Bachelor Enciso. He was told that he had departed
long before, with abundant supplies for the colony, and that nothing
had been heard of him since his departure. Ojeda waited for a
time in hopes of hearing, by some return ship, of the safe arrival
of the Bachelor at San Sebastian. No tidings, however, arrived,
and he began to fear that he had been lost in those storms which
had beset himself on his return voyage.
Anxious for the relief of his settlement, and fearing that, by
delay, his whole scheme of colonization would be defeated, he
now endeavored to set on foot another armament, and to enlist a
new set of adventurers. His efforts, however, were all ineffectual.
The disasters of his colony were known, and his own circumstan
ces were considered desperate. He was doomed to experience
the fate that too often attends sanguine and brilliant projectors.
The world is dazzled by them for a time, and hails them as he
roes while successful ; but misfortune dissipates the charm, and
they become stigmatized with the appellation of adventurers.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
99
When Ojeda figured in San Domingo as the conqueror of Cao-
nabo, as the commander of a squadron, as the governor of a
province, his prowess and exploits were the theme of every
tongue. When he set sail, in vaunting style, for his seat of go
vernment, setting the viceroy at defiance, and threatening the life
of Esquibel, every one thought that fortune was at his beck, and
he was about to accomplish wonders. A few months had elapsed,
and he walked the streets of San Domingo a needy man, ship
wrecked in hope and fortune. His former friends, dreading some
new demand upon their purses, looked coldly on him ; his schemes,
once so extolled, were now pronounced wild and chimerical, and
he was subjected to all kinds of slights and humiliations in the
very place which had been the scene of his greatest vainglory.
While Ojeda was thus lingering at San Domingo, the admiral,
Don Diego Columbus, sent a party of soldiers to Jamaica to ar
rest Talavera and his pirate crew. They were brought in chains
to San Domingo, thrown into dungeons, and tried for the robbery
of the Genoese vessel. Their crime was too notorious to admit
of doubt, and being convicted, Talavera and several of his prin
cipal accomplices were hanged. Such was the end of their fright
ful journey by sea and land. Never had vagabonds traveled
farther nor toiled harder to arrive at a gallows !
In the course of the trial Ojeda had naturally been summoned
as a witness, and his testimony must have tended greatly to the
conviction of the culprits. This drew upon him the vengeance
of the surviving comrades of Talavera, who still lurked about
San Domingo. As he was returning home one night at a late
hour, he was waylaid and set upon by a number of these miscre
ants. He displayed his usual spirit. Setting his back against a
wall, and drawing his sword, he defended himself admirably
G 2
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
against the whole gang ; nor was he content with beating them
off, but pursued them for some distance through the streets : and
having thus put them to utter rout, returned tranquil and un
harmed to his lodgings.
This is the last achievement recorded of the gallant but reck
less Ojeda ; for here his bustling career terminated, and he sank
into the obscurity which gathers round a ruined man. His health
was broken by various hardships and by the lurking effects of the
wound received at San Sebastian, which had been but imperfectly
cured. Poverty and neglect, and the corroding sickness of the
heart, contributed, no less than the maladies of the body, to quench
that sanguine and fiery temper, which had hitherto been the
secret of his success, and to render him the mere wreck of his
former self ; for there is no ruin so hopeless and complete, as that
of a towering spirit humiliated and broken down. He appears
to have lingered some time at San Domingo. Gomara, in his
history of the Indies, affirms that he turned monk, and entered
in the convent at San Francisco, where he died. Such a change
would not have been surprising in a man, who, in his wildest
career, mingled the bigot with the soldier ; nor was it unusual
with military adventurers in those days, after passing their youth
in the bustle and licentiousness of the camp, to end their days in
the quiet and mortification of the cloister. Las Casas, however,
who was at San Domingo at the time, makes no mention of the
fact, as he certainly would have done, had it taken place. He
confirms, however, all that has been said of the striking reverse
in his character and circumstances ; and he adds an affecting pic
ture of his last moments, which may serve as a wholesome com
ment on his life. He died so poor that he did not leave money
enough to provide for his interment ; and so broken in spirit, that,
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
111!
with his last breath, he entreated his body might be buried in the
monastery of San Francisco, just at the portal, in humble expia
tion of his past pride, " that every one who entered might tread
upon his grave."*
Such was the fate of Alonzo de Ojeda,—and who does not
forget his errors and his faults at the threshold of his humble
and untimely grave ! He was one of the most fearless and as
piring of the band of " Ocean chivalry " that followed the foot
steps of Columbus. His story presents a lively picture of the
daring enterprises, the extravagant exploits, the thousand acci
dents, by flood and field, which checkered the life of a Spanish
cavalier in that roving and romantic age.
" Never," says Charlevoix, " was a man more suited for a
coup-de-main, or to achieve and suffer great things under the
direction of another ; none had a heart more lofty, nor ambition
more aspiring ; none^ ever took less heed of fortune, nor showed
greater firmness of soul, nor found more resources in his own
courage ; but none was less calculated to be commander-in-chief
of a great enterprise. Good management and good fortune for
ever failed him."f
* Las Casas, ubi sup. t Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
THE VOYAGE OF DIEGO DE NICUESA.
C H A P T E R I.
NICUESA SAILS TO THE W E S T W A R D . HIS SHIPWRECK AND
SUBSEQUENT DISASTERS.
W E have now to recount the fortunes experienced by the gallant
and generous Diego de Nicuesa, after his parting from Alonzo de
Ojeda at Carthagena. On resuming his voyage, he embarked in
a caravel, that he might be able to coast the land and reconnoitre ;
he ordered that the two brigantines, one of wjrich was commanded
by his Lieutenant Lope de Olano, should keep near to him, while
the large vessels, which drew more water, should stand further
out to sea. The squadron arrived upon the coast of Veragua, in
stormy weather ; and, as Nicuesa could not find any safe harbor,
and was apprehensive of rocks and shoals, he stood out to sea at
the approach of night, supposing that Lope de Olano would fol
low him with the brigantines according to his orders. The night
was boisterous, the caravel was much tossed and driven about,
and when the morning dawned, not one of the squadron was in
sight.
Nicuesa feared some accident had befallen the brigantines ;
he stood for the land, and coasted along it in search of them until
he came to a large river, into which he entered and came to
anchor. He had not been here long when the stream suddenly
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
103
subsided, having merely been swollen by the rains. Before he
had time to extricate himself, the caravel grounded, and at
length fell over on one side. The current rushing like a torrent
strained the feeble bark to such a degree, that her seams yawned
and she appeared ready to go to pieces. In this moment of peril
a hardy seaman threw himself into the water to carry the end
of a rope on shore as a means of saving the crew. He was
swept away by the furious current and perished in the sight of
his companions. Undismayed by his fate, another brave seaman
plunged into the waves and succeeded in reaching the shore.
He then fastened one end of a rope firmly to a tree, and the
other being secured on board of the caravel, Nieuesa and his
crew passed one by one along it, and reached the shore in safety.
Scarcely had they landed when the caravel went to pieces,
and with it perished their provisions, clothing, and all other ne
cessaries. Nothing remained to them but the boat of the caravel,
which was accidentally cast on shore. Here then they were, in
helpless plight, on a remote and savage coast, without food, with
out arms, and almost naked. What had become of the rest of
the squadron they knew not. Some feared that the brigantines
had been wrecked ; others called to mind that Lope de Olano
had been one of the loose lawless men confederated with Fran
cisco Roldan in his rebellion against Columbus, and, judging him
from the school in which he had served, hinted their apprehen
sions that he had deserted with the brigantines. Nieuesa partook
of their suspicions, and was anxious and sad at heart. He con
cealed his uneasiness, however, and endeavored to cheer up his
companions, proposing that they should proceed westward on
foot in search of Veragua, the seat of his intended government ;
observing that, if the ships had survived the tempest, they would
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
probably repair to that place. They accordingly set off along
the sea-shore, for the thickness of the forest prevented their
traversing the interior. Four of the hardiest sailors put to sea
in the boat and kept abreast of them, to help them across the
bays and rivers.
Their sufferings were extreme. Most of them were destitute
of shoes, and many almost naked. They had to clamber over
sharp and rugged rocks, and to struggle through dense forests
beset with thorns and brambles. Often they had to wade across
rank fens and morasses and drowned lands, or to traverse deep
and rapid streams.
Their food consisted of herbs and roots and shell-fish gathered
along the shore. Had they even met with Indians, they would
have dreaded, in their unarmed state, to apply to them for provi
sions, lest they should take revenge for the outrages committed
along this coast by other Europeans.
To render their sufferings more intolerable, they were in
doubt whether, in the storms which preceded their shipwreck,
they had not been driven past Veragua, in which case each step
would take them so much the farther from their desired haven.
Still they labored feebly forward, encouraged by the words
and the example of Nicuesa, who cheerfully oartook of the toils
and hardships of the meanest of his men.
They had slept one night at the foot of impending rocks and
were about to resume their weary march in the morning, when
they were espied by some Indians from a neighboring height.
Among the followers of Nicuesa was a favorite page, whose tat
tered finery and white hat caught the quick eyes of the savages.
One of them immediately singled him out, and taking deadly aim,
let fly an arrow that laid him expiring at the feet of his master.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
105
While the generous cavalier mourned over his slaughtered page,
consternation prevailed among his companions, each fearing for
his own life. The Indians, however, did not follow up this casual
act of hostility, but suffered the Spaniards to pursue their painful
journey unmolested.
Arriving one day at the point of a great bay that ran far in
land, they were conveyed, a few at a time, in the boat, to what
appeared to be the opposite point. Being all landed, and re
suming their march, they found to their surprise that they were
on an island, separated from the main-land by a great arm of the
sea. The sailors who managed the boat were too weary to take
them to the opposite shore, they remained therefore all night upon
the island.
In the morning they prepared to depart, but, to their conster
nation, the boat with the four mariners had disappeared. They
ran anxiously from point to point, uttering shouts and cries, in
hopes the boat might be in some inlet ; they clambered the rocks
and strained their eyes over the sea. It was all in vain. No
boat was to be seen : no voice responded to their call ; it was too
evident the four mariners had either perished or had deserted
them.
C H A P T E R II.
NICUESA AND HIS MEN ON A DESOLATE ISLAND.
T H E situation of Nieuesa and his men was dreary and desperate
in the extreme. They were on a desolate island, bordering upon
a swampy coast, in a remote and lonely sea, where commerce
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
never spread a sail. Their companions in the other ships, if still
alive and true to them, had doubtless given them up for lost ; and
many years might elapse before the casual bark of a discoverer
might venture along these shores. Long before that time their
fate would be sealed ; and their bones, bleaching on the sands,
would alone tell their story.
In this hopeless state many abandoned themselves to frantic
grief, wandering about the island, wringing their hands and utter
ing groans and lamentations ; others called upon God for succor,
and many sat down in silent and sullen despair.
The cravings of hunger and thirst at length roused them to
exertion. They found no food but a few shell-fish scattered along
the shore, and coarse herbs and roots, some of them of an un
wholesome quality. The island had neither springs nor streams
of fresh water, and they were fain to slake their thirst at the
brackish pools of the marshes.
Nicuesa endeavored to animate his men with new hopes. He
employed them in constructing a raft of drift-wood and branches
of trees, for the purpose of crossing the arm of the sea that sepa
rated them from the main-land. It was a difficult task, for they
were destitute of tools ; and when the raft was finished they had
no oars with which to manage it. Some of the most expert swim
mers undertook to propel it, but they were too much enfeebled by
their sufferings. On their first essay, the currents which sweep
that coast bore the raft out to sea, and they swam back with diffi
culty to the island. Having no other chance of escape, and no
other means of exercising and keeping up the spirits of his fol
lowers, Nicuesa repeatedly ordered new rafts to be constructed ;
but the result was always the same, and the men at length either
grew too feeble to work, or renounced the attempt in despair.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
107
Thus, day after day, and week after week elapsed, without
any mitigation of suffering or any prospect of relief. Every day
some one or other sank under his miseries, a victim, not so much
to hunger and thirst, as to grief and despondency. His death
was envied by his wretched survivors, many of whom were re
duced to such debility, that they had to crawl on hands and
knees in search of the herbs and shell-fish which formed their
scanty food.
C H A P T E R III.
ARRIVAL, OF A BOAT. CONDUCT OF LOPE D E OLANO.
W H E N the unfortunate Spaniards, without hope of succor, began
to consider death as a desirable end to their miseries, they were
roused to new life one day by beholding a sail gleaming on the
horizon. Their exultation was checked, however, by the reflec
tion how many chances there were against its approaching this
wild and desolate island. Watching it with anxious eyes, they
put up prayers to God to conduct it to their relief ; and at length,
to their great joy, they perceived that it was steering directly for
the island. On a nearer approach it proved to be one of the
brigantines which had been commanded by Lope de Olano. It
came to anchor : a boat put off, and among the crew were the
four sailors who had disappeared so mysteriously from the island.
These men accounted in a satisfactory manner for their de
sertion. They had been persuaded that the ships were in some
harbor to the eastward, and that they were daily leaving them
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
farther behind. Disheartened at the constant, and, in their opin
ion, fruitless toil which fell to their share in the struggle westward,
they resolved to take their own counsel, without risking the oppo
sition of Nicuesa. In the dead of the night, therefore, when
their companions on the island were asleep, they silently cast off
their boat, and retraced their course along the coast. After sev
eral days' toil they found the brigantines under the command of
Lope de Olano, in the river of Belen, the scene of the disasters
of Columbus in his fourth voyage.
The conduct of Lope de Olano was regarded with suspicion
by his contemporaries, and is still subject to doubt. He is sup
posed to have deserted Nicuesa designedly, intending to usurp the
command of the expedition. Men, however, were prone to judge
harshly of him from his having been concerned in the treason
and rebellion of Francisco Roldan. On the stormy night when
Nicuesa stood out to sea to avoid the dangers of the shore, Olano
took shelter under the lee of an island. Seeing nothing of the
caravel of his commander in the morning, he made no effort to
seek for it, but proceeded with the brigantines to the river of
Chagres, where he found the ships at anchor. They had landed
all their cargo, being almost in a sinking condition from the rav
ages of the worms. Olano persuaded the crews that Nicuesa had
perished in the late storm, and, being his lieutenant, he assumed
the command. Whether he had been perfidious or not in his mo
tives, his command was but a succession of disasters. He sailed
from Chagres for the river of Belen, where the ships were found
so damaged that they had to be broken to pieces. Most of the
people constructed wretched cabins on the shore, where, during a
sudden storm, they were almost washed away by the swelling of
the river, or swallowed up in the shifting sands. Several of his
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
109
men were drowned in an expedition in quest of gold, and he him
self merely escaped by superior swimming. Their provisions
were exhausted, they suffered from hunger and from various mal
adies, and many perished in extreme misery. All were clamor
ous to abandon the coast, and Olano set about constructing a
caravel, out of the wreck of the ships, for the purpose, as he said,
of returning to Hispaniola, though many suspected it was still his
intention to persist in the enterprise. Such was the state in
which the four seamen had found Olano and his party ; most of
them living in miserable cabins and destitute of the necessaries
of life.
The tidings that Nieuesa was still alive put an end to the sway
of Olano. Whether he had acted with truth or perfidy, he now
manifested a zeal to relieve his commander, and immediately dis
patched a brigantine in quest of him, which, guided by the four
seamen, arrived at the island in the way that has been mentioned.
C H A P T E R IV.
NICUESA REJOINS HIS CREWS.
WHEN the crew of the brigantine and the companions of Nieuesa
met, they embraced each other with tears, for the hearts even of
the rough mariners were subdued by the sorrows they had under
gone ; and men are rendered kind to each other by a community
of suffering. The brigantine had brought a quantity of palm-
nuts, and of such other articles of food as they had been able to
procure along the coast. These the famished Spaniards devoured
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
with such voracity that Nicuesa was obliged to interfere, lest they
should injure themselves. Nor was the supply of fresh water
less grateful to their parched and fevered palates.
When sufficiently revived, they all abandoned the desolate
island, and set sail for the river Belen, exulting as joyfully as if
their troubles were at an end, and they were bound to a haven
of delight, instead of merely changing the scene of suffering and
encountering a new variety of horrors.
In the meantime Lope de Olano had been diligently preparing
for the approaching interview with his commander, by persuading
his fellow-officers to intercede in his behalf, and to place his late
conduct in the most favorable light. He had need of their inter
cessions. Nicuesa arrived, burning with indignation. He or
dered him to be instantly seized and punished as a traitor ; attrib
uting to his desertion the ruin of the enterprise and the sufferings
and death of so many of his brave followers. The fellow-
captains of Olano spoke in his favor ; but Nicuesa turned
indignantly upon them : " You do well," cried he, " to supplicate
mercy for him ; you, who, yourselves, have need of pardon !
You have participated in his crime ; why, else, have you suffered
so long a time to elapse without compelling him to send one of
the vessels in search of me ?"
The captains vindicated themselves by assurances of their be
lief in his having foundered at sea. They reiterated their sup
plications for mercy to Olano ; drawing the most affecting pictures
of their past and present sufferings, and urging the impolicy of
increasing the horrors of their situation by acts of severity.
Nicuesa at length was prevailed upon to spare his victim ; re
solving to send him, by the first opportunity, a prisoner to Spain.
It appeared, in truth, no time to add to the daily blows of fate
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
I l l
that were thinning the number of his followers. Of the gallant
armament of seven hundred resolute and effective men that had
sailed with them from San Domingo, four hundred had already
perished by various miseries ; and, of the survivors, many could
scarcely be said to live.
C H A P T E R V.
SUFFERINGS OF NICUESA AND HIS MEN ON THE COAST OF
THE ISTHMUS.
T H E first care of Nieuesa, on resuming the general command,
was to take measures for the relief of his people, who were
perishing with famine and disease. All those who were in health,
or who had strength sufficient to bear the least fatigue, were sent
on foraging parties, among the fields and villages of the natives.
It was a service of extreme peril ; for the Indians of this part of
the coast were fierce and warlike, and were the same who had
proved so formidable to Columbus and his brother, when they
attempted to found a settlement in this neighborhood.
Many of the Spaniards were slain in these expeditions.
Even if they succeeded in collecting provisions, the toil of bring
ing them to the harbor was worse to men in their enfeebled con
dition, than the task of fighting for them ; for they were obliged
to transport them on their backs, and, thus heavily laden, to
scramble over rugged rocks, through almost impervious forests
and across dismal swamps.
Harassed by these perils and fatigues, they broke forth into
murmurs against their commander, accusing him, not merely of
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
indifference to their sufferings, but of wantonly imposing severe
and unnecessary tasks upon them out of revenge for their having
neglected him.
The genial temper of Nicuesa had, in fact, been soured by
disappointment ; and a series of harassing cares and evils had
rendered him irritable and impatient ; but he was a cavalier of a
generous and honorable nature, and does not appear to have
enforced any services that were not indispensable to the common
safety. In fact, the famine had increased to such a degree, that,
we are told, thirty Spaniards having on one occasion found the
dead body of an Indian in a state of decay, they were driven by
hunger to make a meal of it, and were so infected by the horrible
repast, that not one of them survived.*
Disheartened by these miseries, Nicuesa determined to aban
don a place which seemed destined to be the grave of Spaniards.
Embarking the greater part of his men in the two brigantines,
and the caravel which had been built by Olano, he set sail east
ward in search of some more favorable situation for his settlement.
A number of the men remained behind, to await the ripening of
some maize and vegetables which they had sown. These he left
under the command of Alonzo Nunez, whom he nominated his
alcalde mayor.
"When Nicuesa had coasted about four leagues to the east, a
Genoese sailor, who had been with Columbus in his last voyage,
informed him that there was a fine harbor somewhere in that
neighborhood, which had pleased the old admiral so highly, that
he had given it the name of Puerto Bello. He added, that they
might know the harbor by an anchor, half buried in the sand,
which Columbus had left there ; near to which was a fountain of
* Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. and viii. cap. 2.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
113
remarkably cool and sweet water, springing up at the foot of a
large tree. Nieuesa ordered search to be made along the coast,
and at length they found the anchor, the fountain, and the tree.
It was the same harbor which bears the name of Porto Bello at
the present day. A number of the crew were sent on shore in
search of provisions, but were assailed by the Indians ; and,
being too weak to wield their weapons with their usual prowess,
were driven back to the vessels with the loss of several slain or
wounded.
Dejected at these continual misfortunes, Nieuesa continued
his voyage seven leagues farther, until he came to the harbor to
which Columbus had given the name of Puerto de Bastimientos ;
or, Port of Provisions. It presented an advantageous situation
for a fortress, and was surrounded by a fruitful country. Nieu
esa resolved to make it his abiding place. " Here," said he, " let
us stop, en el nombre de Dios!" (in the name of God). His fol
lowers, with the superstitious feeling under which men in adver
sity are prone to interpret every thing into omens, persuaded
themselves that there was favorable augury in his words, and
called the harbor " Nombre de Dios," which name it afterwards
retained.
Nieuesa now landed, and drawing his sword, took solemn pos
session in the name of the Catholic sovereigns. He immediately
began to erect a fortress, to protect his people against the attacks
of the savages. As this was a case of exigency, he exacted the
labor of every one capable of exertion. The Spaniards, thus
equally distressed by famine and toil, forgot their favorable omen,
cursed the place as fated to be their grave, and called down
imprecations on the head of their commander, who compelled
them to labor when ready to sink with hunger and debility.
VOL. H I .
H
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
Those murmured no less who were sent in quest of food, which
was only to be gained by fatigue and bloodshed ; for whatever
they collected they had to transport from great distances, and
they were frequently waylaid and assaulted by the Indians.
When he could spare men for the purpose, Nicuesa dispatched
the caravel for those whom he had left at the river Belen. Many
of them had perished, and the survivors had been reduced to
such famine at times, as to eat all kinds of reptiles, until a part
of an alligator was a banquet to them. On mustering all his
forces when thus united, Nicuesa found that but one hundred
emaciated and dejected wretches remained.
He dispatched the caravel to Hispaniola, to bring a quantity
of bacon which he had ordered to have prepared there, but it
never returned. He ordered Gonzalo de Badajos, at the head
of twenty men, to scour the country for provisions ; but the
Indians had ceased to cultivate : they could do with little food,
and could subsist on the roots and wild fruits of the forest. The
Spaniards, therefore, found deserted villages and barren fields,
but lurking enemies at every defile. So deplorably were they
reduced by their sufferings, that at length there were not left a
sufficient number in health and strength to mount guard at night ;
and the fortress remained without sentinels. Such was the des
perate situation of this once gay and gallant cavalier, and of his
brilliant armament, which but a few months before had sailed
from San Domingo, flushed with the consciousness of power, and
the assurance that they had the means of compelling the favors
of fortune.
It is necessary to leave them for a while, and turn our atten
tion to other events which will ultimately be found to bear upon
their destinies.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
115
C H A P T E R V I .
E X P E D I T I O N O F T H E B A C H E L O R E N C I S O I N S E A R C H O F T H E
S E A T O F G O V E R N M E N T O F O J E D A .
[1510.J
I N calling to mind the narrative of the last expedition of Alonzo
de Ojeda, the reader will doubtless remember the Bachelor Mar
tin Fernandez de Enciso, who was inspired by that adventurous
cavalier with an ill-starred passion for colonizing, and freighted a
vessel at San Domingo with reinforcements and supplies for the
settlement at San Sebastian.
When the Bachelor was on the eve of sailing, a number of
the loose hangers-on of the colony, and men encumbered with
debt, concerted to join his ship from the coast and the outports.
Their creditors, however, getting notice of their intention, kept a
close watch upon every one that went on board while in the har
bor, and obtained ah armed vessel from the admiral Don Diego
Columbus, to escort the enterprising Bachelor clear of the island.
One man, however, contrived to elude these precautions, and, as
he afterwards rose to great importance, it is proper to notice him
particularly. His name was Vasco Nunez de Balboa. He was
a native of Xeres de los Caballeros, and of a noble though
impoverished family. He had been brought up in the service of
Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, Lord of Moguer, and he afterwards
enlisted among the adventurers who accompanied Rodrigo de
Bastides in his voyage of discovery. Peter Martyr, in his Latin
decades, speaks of him by the appellation of " egregius digladia-
tor," which has been interpreted by some as a skillful swordsman,
H 2
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
by others as an adroit fencing-master. He intimates, also, that
he was a mere soldier of fortune, of loose prodigal habits ; and
the circumstances under which he is first introduced to us justify
this character. He had fixed himself for a time in Hispaniola,
and undertaken to cultivate a farm at the town of Salvatierra, on
the sea-coast, but in a little time had completely involved himself
in debt. The expedition of Enciso presented him with an oppor
tunity of escaping from his embarrassments, and of indulging his
adventurous habits. To elude the vigilance of his creditors and
of the armed escort, he concealed himself in a cask, which was
conveyed from his farm on the sea-coast on board of the vessel,
as if containing provisions for the voyage. When the vessel was
fairly out at sea, and abandoned by the escort, Vasco Nunez
emerged like an apparition from his cask, to the great surprise of
Enciso, who had been totally ignorant of the stratagem. The
Bachelor was indignant at being thus outwitted, even though he
gained a recruit by the deception ; and, in the first ebullition of
his wrath, gave the fugitive debtor a very rough reception, threat
ening to put him on shore on the first uninhabited island they
should encounter. Vasco Nunez, however, succeeded in pacifying
him, " for God," says the venerable Las Cases, " reserved him
for greater things." It is probable the Bachelor beheld in him a
man well fitted for his expedition, for Vasco Nufiez was in the
prime and vigor of his days, tall and muscular, seasoned to hard
ships, and of intrepid spirit.
Arriving at the main-land, they touched at the fatal harbor
of Carthagena, the scene of the sanguinary conflicts of Ojeda and
Nicuesa with the natives, and of the death of the brave Juan de
la Cosa. Enciso was ignorant of those events, having had no
tidings from those adventurers since their departure from San
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
117
Domingo ; without any hesitation, therefore, he landed a number
of his men to repair his boat, which was damaged, and to procure
water. While the men were working upon the boat, a multitude
of Indians gathered at a distance, well armed and with menacing
aspect, sounding their shells and brandishing their weapons. The
experience they had had of the tremendous powers of the stran
gers, however, rendered them cautious of attacking, and for three
days they hovered in this manner about the Spaniards, the latter
being obliged to keep continually on the alert. At length two of
the Spaniards ventured one day from the main body to fill a
water-cask from the adjacent river. Scarcely had they reached
the margin of the stream, when eleven savages sprang from the
thickets and surrounded them, bending their bows and pointing
their arrows. In this way they stood for a moment or two in
fearful suspense, the Indians refraining from discharging their
shafts, but keeping them constantly pointed at their breasts. One
of the Spaniards attempted to escape to his comrades who were
repairing the boat, but the other called him back, and, under
standing something of the Indian tongue, addressed a few amica
ble words to the savages. The latter, astonished at being spoken
to in their own language, now relaxed a little from their fierceness,
and demanded of the strangers who they were, who were their
leaders, and what they sought jpon their shores. The Spaniard
replied that they were harmless people, who came from other
lands, and merely touched there through necessity, and he won
dered that they should meet them with such hostility ; he at the
same time warned them to beware, as there would come many of
his countrymen well armed, and would wreak terrible vengeance
upon them for any mischief they might do. While they were
thus parleying, the Bachelor Enciso, hearing that two of his men
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
were surrounded by the savages, sallied instantly from his ship,
and hastened with an armed force to their rescue. As he
approached, however, the Spaniard who had held the parley
made him a signal that the natives were pacific. In fact, the lat
ter had supposed that this was a new invasion of Ojeda and Nicu
esa, and had thus arrayed themselves, if not to take vengeance
for past outrages, at least to defend their houses from a second
desolation. When they were convinced, however, that these were
a totally different band of strangers, and without hostile intentions,
their animosity was at an end ; they threw by their weapons, and
came forward with the most confiding frankness. During the
whole time that the Spaniards remained there, they treated them
with the greatest friendship, supplying them with bread made
from maize, with salted fish, and with the fermented and spiritu
ous beverages common along that coast. Such was the magnani
mous conduct of men who were considered among the most fero
cious and warlike of these savage nations ; and who, but recently,
had beheld their shores invaded, their villages ravaged and burnt,
and their friends and relations butchered, without regard to age
or sex, by the countrymen of these very strangers. When we
recall the bloody and indiscriminate vengeance wreaked upon this
people by Ojeda and his followers for their justifiable resistance
of invasion, and compare it with their placable and considerate
spirit when an opportunity for revenge presented itself, we con
fess we feel a momentary doubt whether the arbitrary appellation
of savage is always applied to the right party.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
119
C H A P T E R V I I .
THE BACHELOR HEARS UNWELCOME TIDINGS OF HIS DES
TINED JURISDICTION.
N O T long after the arrival of Enciso at this eventful harbor he
was surprised by the circumstance of a brigantine entering, and
coming to anchor. T o encounter a European sail in these almost
unknown seas was always a singular and striking occurrence, but
the astonishment of the Bachelor was mingled with alarm when,
on boarding the brigantine, he found it manned by a number of
the men who had embarked with Ojeda. His first idea was, that
they had mutinied against their commander, and deserted with
the vessel. The feelings of the magistrate were aroused within
him by the suspicion, and he determined to take his first step as
alcalde mayor, by seizing them and inflicting on them the severity
of the law. He altered his tone, however, on conversing with
their resolute commander. This was no other than Francisco
Pizarro, whom Ojeda had left as his locum tenens at San Sebas
tian, and who showed the Bachelor his letter patent, signed by
that unfortunate governor. In fact, the little brigantine contained
the sad remnant of the once vaunted colony. After the depar
ture of Ojeda in the pirate ship, his followers, whom he had left
behind under the command of Pizarro, continued in the fortress
until the stipulated term of fifty days had expired. Receiving
no succor, and hearing no tidings of Ojeda, they then determined
to embark and sail for Hispaniola ; but here an unthought of dif
ficulty presented itself, they were seventy in number, and the two
brigantines which had been left with them were incapable of
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
taking so many. They came to the forlorn agreement, therefore,
to remain until famine, sickness, and the poisoned arrows of the
Indians should reduce their number to the capacity of the brigan
tines. A brief space of time was sufficient for the purpose.
They then prepared for the voyage. Four mares which had
been kept alive, as terrors to the Indians, were killed and salted
for sea-stores. Then taking whatever other articles of provisions
remained, they embarked and made sail. One brigantine was
commanded by Pizarro, the other by one Valenzuela.
They had not proceeded far when, in a storm, a sea struck the
crazy vessel of Valenzuela with such violence as to cause it to
founder with all its crew. The other brigantine was so near that
the mariners witnessed the struggles of their drowning compan
ions, and heard their cries. Some of the sailors, with the common
disposition to the marvelous, declared that they beheld a great
whale, or some other monster of the deep, strike the vessel with
its tail, and either stave in its sides or shatter the rudder, so as to
cause the shipwreck.* The surviving brigantine then made the
best of its way to the harbor of Carthagena, to seek provisions.
Such was the disastrous account rendered to the Bachelor by
Pizarro, of his destined jurisdiction. Enciso, however, was of a
confident mind and sanguine temperament, and trusted to restore
all things to order and prosperity on his arrival.
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 10.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
121
C H A P T E R VIII.
CETJSADE OF THE BACHELOR ENCISO AGAINST THE SEPUL
CHRES OF ZENU.
T H E Bachelor Enciso, as has been shown, was a man of the
sword as well as of the robe ; having doubtless imbibed a passion
for military exploit from his intimacy with the discoverers. A c
cordingly, while at Carthagena, he was visited by an impulse of
the kind, and undertook an enterprise that would have been
worthy of his friend Ojeda. He had been told by the Indians
that about twenty-five leagues to the west lay a province called
Zenu, the mountains of which abounded with the finest gold.
This was washed down by torrents during the rainy season, in
such quantities, that the natives stretched nets across the rivers
to catch the largest particles ; some of which were said to be as
large as eggs.
The idea of taking gold in nets captivated the imagination of
the Bachelor, and his cupidity was still more excited by further
accounts of this wealthy province. He was told that Zenu was
the general place of sepulture of the Indian tribes throughout the
country, whither they brought their dead, and buried them,
according to their custom, decorated with their most precious
ornaments.
It appeared to him a matter of course, therefore, that there
must be an immense accumulation of riches in the Indian tombs,
from the golden ornaments that had been buried with the dead
through a long series of generations. Fired with the thought, he
determined to make a foray into this province and to sack the
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
sepulchres ! Neither did he feel any compunctions at the idea
of plundering the dead, considering the deceased as pagans and
infidels, who had forfeited even the sanctuary of the grave, by
having been buried according to the rites and ceremonies of their
idolatrous religion.
Enciso, accordingly, made sail from Carthagena and landed
with his forces on the coast of Zenu. Here he was promptly
opposed by two caciques, at the head of a large band of warriors.
The Bachelor, though he had thus put on the soldier, retained suffi
cient of the spirit of his former calling not to enter into quarrel
without taking care to have the law on his side ; he proceeded regu
larly, therefore, according to the legal form recently enjoined by the
crown. He caused to be read and interpreted to the caciques the
same formula used by Ojeda, expounding the nature of the Deity,
the supremacy of the pope, and the right of the Catholic sove
reigns to all these lands, by virtue of a grant from his holiness.
The caciques listened to the whole very attentively and without
interruption, according to the laws of Indian courtesy. They
then replied, that, as to the assertion that there was but one God
the sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them good, and
that such must be the case ; but as to the doctrine that the pope
was regent of the world in place of God, and that he had made
a grant of their country to the Spanish king, they observed that
the pope must have been drunk to give away what was not his,
and the king must have been somewhat mad to ask at his hands
what belonged to others. They added, that they were lords of
those lands and needed no other sovereign, and if this king should
come to take possession, they would cut off his head and put it
on a pole ; that being their mode of dealing with their enemies.
As an illustration of this custom they pointed out to Enciso the
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
123
very uncomfortable spectacle of a row of grisly heads impaled
in the neighborhood.
Nothing daunted either by the reply or the illustration, the
Bachelor menaced them with war and slavery as the consequences
of their refusal to believe and submit. They replied by threat
ening to put his head upon a pole as a representative of his sov
ereign. The Bachelor, having furnished them with the law, now
proceeded to the commentary. He attacked the Indians, routed
them, and took one of the caciques prisoner, but in the skirmish
two of his men were slightly wounded with poisoned arrows, and
died raving with torment.*
It does not appear, however, that his crusade against the sepul
chres was attended with any lucrative advantage. Perhaps the
experience he had received of the hostility of the natives, and of
the fatal effects of their poisoned arrows, prevented his pene
trating into the land, with his scanty force. Certain it is, the
reputed wealth of Zenu, and the tale of its fishery for gold with
nets, remained unascertained and uncontradicted, and were the
cause of subsequent and disastrous enterprises. The Bachelor
* The above anecdote is related by the Bachelor Enciso himself, in a Geo
graphical Work entitled Suma de Geographic/, which he published in Seville,
in 1519. A s the reply of the poor savages contains something of natural
logic, we give a part of it as reported by the Bachelor. " Respondieron me :
que en lo que dezia que no avia sino un dios, y que este governaba el cielo y
la tierra, y que era senor de todo, que les parecia y que asi debia ser : pero que
en lo que dezia que el papa era senor de todo el universo en lugar de dios, y
que el avia fecho merced de aquella tierra al rey de Castilla ; dixeron que el
papa debiera estarboracho quando lo hizo, pues daba lo que no era suyo, y que
el rey que pedia y tomava tal merced debia ser algun loco pues pedia lo que
era de otros, &c.
124
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
contented himself with his victory, and returning to his ships,
prepared to continue his voyage for the seat of government estab
lished by Ojeda in the Gulf of Uraba.
C H A P T E R I X .
THE BACHELOR ARRIVES AT SAN SEBASTIAN. HIS DISASTERS
THERE, AND SUBSEQUENT EXPLOITS AT DARIEN.
IT was not without extreme difficulty, and the peremptory exercise
of his authority as alcalde mayor, that Enciso prevailed upon the
crew of Pizarro to return with him to the fated shores of San
Sebastian. He at length arrived in sight of the long wished-for
seat of his anticipated power and authority ; but here he was
doomed like his principal, Ojeda, to meet with nothing but mis
fortune. On entering the harbor his vessel struck on a rock on
the eastern point. The rapid currents and tumultuous waves rent
it to pieces ; the crew escaped with great difficulty to the brigan
tine of Pizarro ; a little flour, cheese and biscuit, and a small
part of the arms were saved, but the horses, mares, swine and all
other colonial supplies were swept away, and the unfortunate
Bachelor beheld the proceeds of several years of prosperous liti
gation swallowed up in an instant.
His dream of place and dignity seemed equally on the point
of vanishing ; for, on landing, he found the fortress and its adja
cent houses mere heaps of ruins, having been destroyed with fire
by the Indians.
For a few days the Spaniards maintained themselves with
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
125
palm nuts, and with the flesh of a kind of wild swine, of which
they met with several herds. These supplies failing, the Bache
lor sallied forth with a hundred men to forage the country.
They were waylaid by three Indians, who discharged all the
arrows in their quivers with incredible rapidity, wounded several
Spaniards, and then fled with a swiftness that defied pursuit. The
Spaniards returned to the harbor in dismay. All their dread of
the lurking savages and their poisoned weapons revived, and they
insisted upon abandoning a place marked out for disaster.
The Bachelor Enciso was himself disheartened at the situation
of this boasted capital of San Sebastian ;—but whither could he
go where the same misfortunes might not attend him ? In this
moment of doubt and despondency, Vasco Nunez, the same ab
sconding debtor who had been smuggled on board in the cask,
stepped forward to give counsel. He informed the Bachelor that
several years previous he had sailed along that coast with Rodrigo
de Bastides. They had explored the whole Gulf of Uraba ; and
he well remembered an Indian village situated on the western
side, on the banks of a river which the natives called Darien.
The country around was fertile and abundant, and was said to
possess mines of gold ; and the natives, though a warlike race,
never made use of poisoned weapons. He offered to guide the
Bachelor to this place, where they might get a supply of provi
sions, and even found their colony.
The Spaniards hailed the words of Vasco Nunez as if reveal
ing a land of promise. The Bachelor adopted his advice, and,
guided by him, set sail for the village, determined to eject the
inhabitants and take possession of it as the seat of government.
Arrived at the river, he landed, put his men in martial array, and
marched along the banks. The place was governed by a brave
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
cacique named Zemaco. He sent off the women and children to
a place of safety, and, posting himself with five hundred of his
warriors on a height, prepared to give the intruders a warm re
ception. The Bachelor was a discoverer at all points, pious,
daring, and rapacious. On beholding this martial array he recom
mended himself and his followers to God, making a vow in their
name to " Our Lady of Antigua," whose image is adored with
great devotion in Seville, that the first church and town which
they built should be dedicated to her, and that they would make
a pilgrimage to Seville to offer the spoils of the heathen at her
shrine. Having thus endeavored to propitiate the favor of
Heaven, and to retain the holy Virgin in his cause, he next pro
ceeded to secure the fidelity of his followers. Doubting that they
might have some lurking dread of poisoned arrows, he exacted from
them all an oath that they would not turn their backs upon the
foe, whatever might happen. Never did warrior enter into battle
with more preliminary forms and covenants than the Bachelor
Enciso. All these points being arranged, he assumed the soldier,
and attacked the enemy with such valor, that, though they made
at first a show of fierce resistance, they were soon put to flight,
and many of them slain. The Bachelor entered the village in
triumph, took possession of it by unquestionable right of conquest,
and plundered all the hamlets and houses of the surrounding
country ; collecting great quantities of food and cotton, with brace
lets, anklets, plates and other ornaments of gold, to the value of
ten thousand castellanos.* His heart was wonderfully elated by
his victory and his booty ; his followers, also, after so many hard
ships and disasters, gave themselves up to joy at this turn of good
* Equivalent to a present sum of 5 3 5 5 9 dollars.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS. 127
fortune, and it was unanimously agreed that the seat of govern
ment should be established in this village ; to which, in fulfillment
of his vow, Enciso gave the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua
del Darien.
C H A P T E R X .
THE BACHELOR ENCISO UNDERTAKES THE COMMAND. HIS
D O W N F A L L .
T H E Bachelor Enciso now entered upon the exercise of his civil
functions as alcalde mayor, and lieutenant of the absent governor,
Ojeda. His first edict was stern and peremptory ; he forbade all
trafficking with the natives for gold, on private account, under
pain of death. This was in conformity to royal command ; but
it was little palatable to men who had engaged in the enterprise
in the hopes of enjoying free trade, lawless liberty, and golden
gains. They murmured among themselves, and insinuated that
Enciso intended to reserve all the profit to himself.
Vasco Nunez was the first to take advantage of the general
discontent. He had risen to consequence among his fellow-ad
venturers, from having guided them to this place, and from his
own intrinsic qualities, being hardy, bold, and intelligent, and pos
sessing the random spirit and open-handed generosity common
to a soldier of fortune, and calculated to dazzle and delight the
multitude.
He bore no good will to the Bachelor, recollecting his threat
of landing him on an uninhabited island, when he escaped in a
cask from San Domingo. He sought, therefore, to make a party
128
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
against him, and to unseat him from his command. He attacked
him in his own way, with legal weapons, questioning the legiti
macy of his pretensions. The boundary line, he observed, which
separated the jurisdictions of Ojeda and Nicuesa, ran through the
centre of the Gulf of Uraba. The village of Darien lay on the
western side, which had been allotted to Nicuesa. Enciso, there
fore, as alcalde mayor and lieutenant of Ojeda, could have no
jurisdiction here, and his assumed authority was a sheer usur
pation.
The Spaniards, already incensed at the fiscal regulations of
Enciso, were easily convinced ; so with one accord they refused
allegiance to him ; and the unfortunate Bachelor found the chair
of authority to which he had so fondly and anxiously aspired,
suddenly wrested from under him, before he had well time to take
his seat.
C H A P T E R X I .
PERPLEXITIES AT THE COLONY. ARRIVAL OF COLMENARES.
To depose the Bachelor had been an easy matter, for most men
are ready to assist in pulling down ; but to choose a successor was
a task of far more difficulty. The people at first agreed to elect
mere civil magistrates, and accordingly appointed Vasco Nunez
and one Zenudio as alcaldes, together with a cavalier of some merit
of the name of Valdivia, as regidor. They soon, however, became
dissatisfied with this arrangement, and it was generally considered
advisable to vest the authority in one person. Who this person
should be, was now the question. Some proposed Nicuesa, as
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
129
they were within his province ; others were strenuous for Vasco
Nunez. A violent dispute ensued, which was carried on with
such heat and obstinacy, that many, anxious for a quiet life, de
clared it would be better to reinstate Enciso until the pleasure of
the king should be known.
In the height of these factious altercations the Spaniards weru
aroused one day by the thundering of cannon from the opposite
side of the gulf, and beheld columns of smoke rising from the
hills. Astonished at signals of civilized man on these wild shores,
they replied in the same manner, and in a short time two ships
were seen standing across the gulf. They proved to be an arma
ment commanded by one Rodrigo de Colmenares, and were in
search of Nieuesa with supplies. They had met with the usual
luck of adventurers on this disastrous coast, storms at sea and
savage foes on shore, and many of their number had fallen by
poisoned arrows. Colmenares had touched at San Sebastian to
learn tidings of Nieuesa ; but, finding the fortress in ruins, had
made signals, in hopes of being heard by the Spaniards, should
they be yet lingering in the neighborhood.
The arrival of Colmenares caused a temporary suspension of
the feuds of the colonists. He distributed provisions among them,
and gained their hearts. Then, representing the legitimate right
of Nieuesa to the command of all that part of the coast as a
governor appointed by the king, he persuaded the greater part
of the people to acknowledge his authority. It was generally
agreed, therefore, that he should cruise along the coast in search
of Nieuesa, and that Diego de Albitez, and an active member of
the law, called the Bachelor Corral, should accompany him as
ambassadors, to invite that cavalier to come and assume the go
vernment of Darien.
V O L . I I I .
i
130
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X I I .
COLMENARES GOES IN QUEST OP NICUESA.
RODRIGO D E COLMENARES proceeded along the coast to the
westward, looking into every bay and harbor, but for a long time
without success. At length one day he discovered a brigantine
at a small island in the sea. It was part of the armament of
Nicuesa, and had been sent out by him to forage for provisions.
By this vessel he was piloted to the port of Nombre de Dios, the
nominal capital of the unfortunate governor, but which was so
surrounded and overshadowed by forests, that he might have
passed by without noticing it.
The arrival of Colmenares was welcomed with transports and
tears of joy. It was scarcely possible for him to recognize the
once buoyant and brilliant Nicuesa in the squalid and dejected
man before him. He was living in the most abject misery. Of
all his once gallant and powerful band of followers, but sixty men
remained, and those so feeble, yellow, emaciated, and wobegone,
that it was piteous to behold them.*
* The harbor of Nombre de Dios continued for a long time to present
traces of the sufferings of the Spaniards. W e are told by Herrera, that several
years after the time here mentioned, a band of eighty Spanish soldiers, com
manded by Gonzalo de Badajos, arrived in the harbor with an intention of pen
etrating into the interior. They found there the ruined fort of Nicuesa, to
gether with skulls and bones, and crosses erected on heaps of stones, dismal
mementos of his followers who had perished of hunger ; the sight of which
struck such horror and dismay into the hearts of the soldiers that they would
have abandoned their enterprise, had not their intrepid captain immediately
sent away the ships, and thus deprived them of the means of retreating. Her
rera, decad. xi. lib. i.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S . 131
Colmenares distributed food among them, and told them that
he had come to convey them to a plenteous country, and one rich
in gold. When Nieuesa heard of the settlement at Darien, and
that the inhabitants had sent for him to come and govern them,
he was as a man suddenly revived from death. All the spirit and
munificence of the cavalier again awakened in him. He gave a
kind of banquet that very day to Colmenares and the ambassa
dors, from the provisions brought in the ship. He presided at his
table with his former hilarity, and displayed a feat of his ancient
office as royal carver, by holding up a fowl in the air and dissect
ing it with wonderful adroitness.
Well would it have been for Nieuesa had the sudden buoy
ancy of his feelings carried him no further ; but adversity had
not taught him prudence. In conversing with the envoys about
the colony of Darien, he already assumed the tone of governor,
and began to disclose the kind of policy with which he intended
to rule. When he heard that great quantities of gold had been
collected and retained by private individuals, his ire was kindled.
He vowed to make them refund it, and even talked of punishing
them for trespassing upon the privileges and monopolies of the
crown. This was the very error that had unseated the Bachelor
Enciso from his government, and it was a strong measure for one
to threaten who as yet was governor but in expectation. The
menace was not lost upon the watchful ambassadors Diego de
Albitez and the Bachelor Corral. They were put still more on
the alert by a conversation held that very evening with Lope de
Olano, who was still detained a prisoner for his desertion, but
who found means to commune with the envoys, and to prejudice
them against his unsuspecting commander. " Take warning,"
said he, " by my treatment. I sent relief to Nieuesa and rescued
i 2
132 V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
him from death when starving on a desert island. Behold my
recompense. He repays me with imprisonment and chains.
Such is the gratitude the people of Darien may look for at his
hands !"
The subtle Bachelor Corral and his fellow envoy laid these
matters to heart, and took their measures accordingly. They hur
ried to depart before Nicuesa, and setting all sail on their caravel,
hastened back to Darien. The moment they arrived they sum
moned a meeting of the principal inhabitants. " A blessed change
we have made," said they, " in summoning this Diego de Nicu
esa to the command ! W e have called in the stork to take the
rule, who will not rest satisfied until he has devoured us." They
then related, with the usual exaggeration, the unguarded threats
which had fallen from Nicuesa, and instanced his treatment of
Olano as a proof of a tyrannous and ungrateful disposition.
The words of the subtle Bachelor Corral and his associate
produced a violent agitation among the people, especially among
those who had amassed treasures which would have to be refund
ed. Nicuesa, too, by a transaction which almost destroys sympa
thy in his favor, gave time for their passions to ferment. On his
way to Darien he stopped for several days among a group of
small islands, for the purpose of capturing Indians to be sold as
slaves. While committing these outrages against humanity, he
sent forward Juan de Cayzedo in a boat to announce his coming.
His messenger had a private pique against him, and played him
false. He assured the people of Darien that all they had been
told by their envoys concerning the tyranny and ingratitude of
Nicuesa was true ;—that he treated his followers with wanton
severity ; that he took from them all they won in battle, saying
that the spoils were his rightful property ; and that it was his in-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
133
tention to treat the people of Darien in the same manner.
" What folly is it in you," added he, " being your own masters,
and in such free condition, to send for a tyrant to rule over
you !"
The people of Darien were convinced by this concurring tes
timony, and confounded by the overwhelming evil they had thus
invoked upon their heads. They had deposed Enciso for his
severity, and they had thrown themselves into the power of one
who threatened to be ten times more severe ! Vasco Nunez de
Balboa observed their perplexity and consternation. He drew
them one by one apart, and conversed with them in private.
" You are cast down in heart," said he, " and so you might well
be, were the evil beyond all cure. But do not despair ; there is
an effectual relief, and you hold it in your hands. If you have
committed an error in inviting Nieuesa to Darien, it is easily
remedied by not receiving him when he comes !" The obvious
ness and simplicity of the remedy struck every mind, and it was
unanimously adopted.
C H A P T E R X I I I .
CATASTROPHE OP THE UNFORTUNATE NICUESA.
W H I L E this hostile plot was maturing at Darien, the unsuspect
ing Nieuesa pursued his voyage leisurely and serenely, and ar
rived in safety at the mouth of the river. On approaching the
shore he beheld a multitude, headed by Vasco Nunez, waiting, as
he supposed, to receive him with all due honor. He was about
134 V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
to land when the public procurator, or attorney, called to him
with a loud voice, warning him not to disembark, but to return
with all speed to his government at Nombre de Dios.
Nicuesa remained for a moment as if thunderstruck by so
unlooked for a salutation. When he recovered his self-possession,
he reminded them that he had come at their own request ; he en
treated, therefore, that he might be allowed to land and have an
explanation, after which he would be ready to act as they should
think proper. His entreaties only provoked insolent replies,
and threats of violence should he venture to put foot on shore.
Night coming on, he was obliged to stand out to sea, but re
turned the next morning, hoping to find this capricious people in
a different mood.
There did, indeed, appear to be a favorable change, for he
was now invited to land. It was a mere stratagem to get him in
their power, for no sooner did he set foot on shore than the mul
titude rushed forward to seize him. Among his many bodily
endowments, Nicuesa was noted for swiftness of foot. He now
trusted to it for safety, and, throwing off the dignity of governor,
fled for his life along the shore, pursued by the rabble. He soon
distanced his pursuers, and took refuge in the woods.
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who was himself a man of birth,
seeing this high-bred cavalier reduced to such extremity, and at
the mercy of a violent rabble, repented of what he had done. He
had not anticipated such popular fury, and endeavored, though
too late, to allay the tempest he had raised. He succeeded in
preventing the people from pursuing Nicuesa into the forest, and
then endeavored to mollify the vindictive rage of his fellow-
alcalde, Zamudio, whose hostility was quickened by the dread of
losing his office, should the new governor be received ; and who
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
135
was supported in his boisterous conduct by the natural lore of the
multitude for what are called " strong measures." Nieuesa now
held a parley with the populace, through the mediation of Vasco
Nunez. He begged that, if they would not acknowledge him as
governor, they would at least admit him as a companion. This
they refused, saying, that if they admitted him in one capacity,
he would end by attaining to the other. He then implored that,
if he could be admitted on no other terms, they would treat him
as a prisoner, and put him in irons, for he would rather die
among them than return to Nombre de Dios, to perish of famine,
or by the arrows of the Indians.
It was in vain that Vasco Nunez exerted his eloquence to
obtain some grace for this unhappy cavalier. His voice was
drowned by the vociferations of the multitude. Among these
was a noisy swaggering fellow named Francisco Benitez, a great
talker and jester, who took a vulgar triumph in the distresses of
a cavalier, and answered every plea in his behalf with scoffs and
jeers. He was an adherent of the alcalde Zamndio, and under
his patronage felt emboldened to bluster. His voice was ever
uppermost in the general clamor, until, to the expostulations of
Vasco Nunez, he replied by merely bawling, with great vocifera
tion, " No, no, no !—we will receive no such a fellow among us
as Nieuesa !" The patience of Vasco Nunez was exhausted ; he
availed himself of his authority as alcalde, and suddenly, before
his fellow-magistrate could interfere, ordered the brawling ruffian
to be rewarded with a hundred lashes, which were taled out
roundly to him upon the shoulders.*
Seeing that the fury of the populace was not to be pacified,
he sent word to Nieuesa to retire to his brigantine, and not to
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 68.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
venture on shore until advised by him to do so. The counsel was
fruitless. Nicuesa, above deceit himself, suspected it not in
others. He retired to his brigantines, it is true, but suffered
himself to be inveigled on shore by a deputation professing to
come on the part of the public, with offers to reinstate him as
governor. He had scarcely landed when he was set upon by an
armed band, headed by the base-minded Zamudio, who seized
him and compelled him, by menaces of death, to swear that he
would immediately depart, and make no delay in any place until
he had presented himself before the king and council in Castile.
In vain Nicuesa reminded them that he was governor of that
territory and representative of the king, and that they were guilty
of treason in thus opposing him ; in vain he appealed to their
humanity, or protested before God against their cruelty and
persecution. The people were in that state of tumult when they
are apt to add cruelty to injustice. Not content with expelling
the discarded governor from their shores, they allotted him the
worst vessel in the harbor ; an old crazy brigantine, totally unfit
to encounter the perils and labors of the sea.
Seventeen followers embarked with him ; some being of his
household and attached to his person ; the rest were volunteers,
who accompanied him out of respect and sympathy. The frail
bark set sail on the first of March, 1511, and steered across the
Caribbean sea for the island of Hispaniola, but was never seen
or heard of more !
Various attempts have been made to penetrate the mystery
that covers the fate of the brigantine and its crew. A rumor
prevailed some years afterwards, that several Spaniards, wander
ing along the shore of Cuba, found the following inscription
carved on a tree :—
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
137
Aqui feneci6 el desdichado Nieuesa.*
Hence it was inferred that he and his followers had landed there,
and been massacred by the Indians. Las Casas, however, dis
credits this story. He accompanied the first Spaniards who took
possession of Cuba, and heard nothing of the fact, as he most
probably would have done had it really occurred. He imagines,
rather, that the crazy bark was swallowed up by the storms and
currents of the Caribbean sea, or that the crew perished with
hunger and thirst, having been but scantily supplied with provi
sions. The good old bishop adds, with the superstitious feeling
prevalent in that age, that a short time before Nieuesa sailed
from Spain on his expedition, an astrologer warned him not to
depart on the day he had appointed, or under a certain sign ; the
cavalier replied, however, that he had less confidence in the stars
than in God who made them. " I recollect, moreover," adds Las
Casas, " that about this time a comet was seen over this island
of Hispaniola, which, if I do not forget, was in the shape of a
sword ; and it was said that a monk warned several of those
about to embark with Nieuesa, to avoid that captain, for the
heavens foretold he was destined to be lost. The same, how
ever," he concludes, " might be said of Alonzo de Ojeda, who
sailed at the same time, yet returned to San Domingo and died
in his bed."|
* Here perished the unfortunate Nieuesa.
t Las Casas, ut sup. cap. 68.
136
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA,
D I S C O V E R E R OF T H E P A C I F I C O C E A N .
C H A P T E R I.
PACTIONS OP DARIEN. VASCO NUNEZ ELEVATED TO THE
COMMAND.
W E have traced the disastrous fortunes of Alonzo de Ojeda and
Diego de Nicuesa ;—we have now to record the story of Vasco
Nunez de Balboa, an adventurer equally daring, far more re
nowned, and not less unfortunate, who in a manner rose upon
their ruins.
When the bark disappeared from view which bore the ill-
starred Nicuesa from the shores of Darien, the community re
lapsed into factions, as to who should have the rule. The Bache
lor Enciso insisted upon his claims as paramount, but met with a
powerful opponent in Vasco Nunez, who had become a great
favorite with the people, from his frank and fearless character,
and his winning affability. In fact, he was peculiarly calculated
to manage the fiery and factious, yet generous and susceptible,
nature of his countrymen ; for the Spaniards, though proud and
resentful, and impatient of indignity or restraint, are easily dazzled
by valor, and won by courtesy and kindness. Vasco Nunez had
the external requisites also to captivate the multitude. He was
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
139
now about thirty-five years of age ; tall, well formed, and vigor
ous, with reddish hair, and an open prepossessing countenance.
His office of alcalde, while it clothed him with influence and im
portance, tempered those irregular and dissolute habits he might
have indulged while a mere soldier of fortune ; and his superior
talent soon gave him a complete ascendency over his official col
league Zamudia. He was thus enabled to set on foot a vigorous
opposition to Enciso. Still he proceeded according to the forms
of law, and summoned the Bachelor to trial, on the charge of
usurping the powers of alcalde mayor, on the mere appointment
of Alonzo de Ojeda, whose jurisdiction did not extend to this
province.
Enciso was an able lawyer, and pleaded his cause skillfully ;
but his claims were, in fact, fallacious, and, had they not been so,
he had to deal with men who cared little for law ; who had been
irritated by his legal exactions, and who were disposed to be go
verned by a man of the sword rather than of the robe. He was
readily found guilty, therefore, and thrown into prison, and all his
property was confiscated. This was a violent verdict, and rashly
executed ; but justice seemed to grow fierce and wild when trans
planted to the wilderness of the New "World. Still there is no
place where wrong can be committed with impunity ; the oppres
sion of the Bachelor Enciso, though exercised under the forms
of law, and in a region remote from the pale of civilized life, re
dounded to the eventful injury of Vasco Nunez, and contributed
to blast the fruits of that ambition it was intended to promote.
The fortunes of the enterprising Bachelor had indeed run
strangely counter to the prospects with which he had embarked
at San Domingo ; he had become a culprit at the bar instead of
a judge upon the bench ; and now was left to ruminate in a prison
140
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
on the failure of his late attempt at general command. His
friends, however, interceded warmly in his behalf, and at length
obtained his release from confinement, and permission for him to
return to Spain. Vasco Nunez foresaw that the lawyer would
be apt to plead his cause more effectually at the court of Castile
than he had done before the partial and prejudiced tribunal of
Darien. He prevailed upon his fellow-alcalde Zamudio, there
fore, who was implicated with him in the late transactions, to re
turn to Spain in the same vessel with the Bachelor, so as to be on
the spot to answer his charges, and to give a favorable report of
the case. He was also instructed to set forth the services of
Vasco Nunez, both in guiding the colonists to this place, and
in managing the affairs of the settlement ; and to dwell with
emphasis on the symptoms of great riches in the surrounding
country.
The Bachelor and the alcalde embarked in a small caravel ;
and, as it was to touch at Hispaniola, Vasco Nunez, sent his con
fidential friend, the regidor Valdivia, to that island to obtain pro
visions and recruits. He secretly put into his hands a round sum
of gold as a present to Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal treasurer
of Hispaniola, whom he knew to have great credit with the king,
and to be invested with extensive powers, craving at the same
time his protection in the New World and his influence at court.
Having taken these shrewd precautions, Vasco Nunez saw
the caravel depart without dismay, though bearing to Spain his
most dangerous enemy ; he consoled himself, moreover, with the
reflection that it likewise bore off his fellow-alcalde Zamudio, and
thus left him in sole command of the colony.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
141
C H A P T E R H .
EXPEDITION TO COTBA. VASCO NUNEZ RECEIVES THE
DAUGHTER OP A CACIQUE AS HOSTAGE.
VASCO NUNEZ now exerted himself to prove his capacity for the
government to which he had aspired ; and as he knew that no
proof was more convincing to King Ferdinand than ample remit
tances, and that gold covered all sins in the New "World, his first
object was to discover those parts of the country which most
abounded in the precious metals. Hearing exaggerated reports
of the riches of a province about thirty leagues distant, called
Coyba, he sent Francisco Pizarro with six men to explore it.
The cacique Zemaco, the native lord of Darien, who cherished
a bitter hostility against the European intruders, and hovered with
his warriors about the settlement, received notice of this detach
ment from his spies, and planted himself in ambush to waylay and
destroy it. The Spaniards had scarcely proceeded three leagues
along the course of the river when a host of savages burst upon
them from the surrounding thickets, uttering frightful yells, and
discharging showers of stones and arrows. Pizarro and his men,
though sorely bruised and wounded, rushed into the thickest of
the foe, slew many, wounded more, and put the rest to flight ; but
fearing another assault, made a precipitate retreat, leaving one of
their companions, Francisco Hernan, disabled on the field. They
arrived at the settlement crippled and bleeding ; but when Vasco
Nunez heard the particulars of the action, his anger was roused
against Pizarro, and he ordered him, though wounded, to return
immediately and recover the disabled man. " Let it not be said,
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
for shame," said he, " that Spaniards fled before savages, and left
a comrade in their hands !" Pizarro felt the rebuke, returned to
the scene of combat, and brought off Francisco Hernan in safety.
Nothing having been heard Qf Nieuesa since his departure,
Vasco Nunez dispatched two brigantines for those followers of
that unfortunate adventurer who had remained at Nombre de
Dios. They were overjoyed at being rescued from their forlorn
situation, and conveyed to a settlement where there was some
prospect of comfortable subsistence. The brigantines, in coasting
the shores of the Isthmus, picked up two Spaniards, clad in
painted skins, and looking as wild as the native Indians. These
men, to escape some punishment, had fled from the ship of Nieuesa
about a year and a half before, and taken refuge with Careta, the
cacique of Coyba. The savage chieftain had treated them with
hospitable kindness ; their first return for which, now that they
found themselves safe among their countrymen, was to advise the
latter to invade the cacique in his dwelling, where they assured
them they would find immense booty. Finding their suggestions
listened to, one of them proceeded to Darien, to serve as a guide
to any expedition that might be set on foot ; the other returned to
the cacique, to assist in betraying him.
Vasco Nunez was elated by the intelligence received through
these vagabonds of the wilderness. He chose a hundred and
thirty well-armed and resolute men, and set off for Coyba.
The cacique received the Spaniards in his mansion with the ac
customed hospitality of a savage, setting before them meat and
drink, and whatever his house afforded ; but when Vasco Nunez
asked for a large supply of provisions for the colony, he declared
that he had none to spare, his people having been prevented from
cultivating the soil by a war which he was waging with the neigh-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
143
boring cacique of Ponca. The Spanish outcast, who had remained
to betray his benefactor, now took Vasco Nunez aside, and assured
him that the cacique had an abundant hoard of provisions in
secret ; he advised him, however, to seem to believe his words,
and to make a pretended departure for Darien with his troops,
.but to return in the night and take the village by surprise.
Vasco Nunez adopted the advice of the traitor. He took a cor
dial leave of Careta, and set off for the settlement. In the dead
of the night, however, when the savages were buried in deep
sleep, Vasco Nunez led his men into the midst of the village,
and, before the inhabitants could rouse themselves to resistance,
made captives of Careta, his wives, and children, and many of
his people. He discovered also the hoard of provisions, with
which he loaded two brigantines, and returned with his booty and
his captives to Darien.
When the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in chains,
and in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung with despair ;
" What have I done," said he to Vasco Nunez, " that thou shouldst
treat me thus cruelly ? None of thy people ever came to my land
that were not fed, and sheltered, and treated with loving kindness.
When thou earnest to my dwelling, did I meet thee with a javelin
in my hand ? Did I not set meat and drink before thee, and wel
come thee as a brother ? Set me free, therefore, with my family
and people, and we will remain thy friends. W e will supply
thee with provisions, and reveal to thee the riches of the land.
Dost thou doubt my faith ? Behold my daughter, I give her to
thee as a pledge of friendship. Take her for thy wife, and be
assured of the fidelity of her family and her people !"
Vasco Nunez felt the force of these words, and knew the im
portance of forming a strong alliance among the natives. The
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
captive maid, also, as she stood trembling and dejected before him,
found great favor in his eyes, for she was young and beautiful.
He granted, therefore, the prayer of the cacique, and accepted his
daughter, engaging, moreover, to aid the father against his ene
mies, on condition of his furnishing provisions to the colony.
Careta remained three days at Darien, during which time he
was treated with the utmost kindness. Vasco Nunez took him on
board of his ships, and showed him every part of them. He dis
played before him also the war-horses, with their armor and rich
caparisons, and astonished him with the thunder of artillery.
Lest he should be too much daunted by these warlike spectacles,
he caused the musicians to perform a harmonious concert on their
instruments, at which the cacique was lost in admiration. Thus
having impressed him with a wonderful idea of the power and
endowments of his new allies, he loaded him with presents, and
permitted him to depart.*
Careta returned joyfully to his territories, and his daughter
remained with Vasco Nunez, willingly for his sake giving up her
family and native home. They were never married, but she con
sidered herself his wife, as she really was, according to the usages
of her own country ; and he treated her with fondness, allow
ing her gradually to acquire great influence over him. To his
affection for this damsel, his ultimate ruin is in some measure to
be ascribed.
* P. Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 6.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
146
C H A P T E R III.
VASCO NUNEZ HEARS OF A SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS.
VASCO NUNEZ kept his word with the father of his Indian beauty.
Taking with him eighty men, and his companion in arms Rodri
go Enriquez de Colmenares, he repaired by sea to Coyba, the
province of the cacique. Here landing he invaded the territories
of Ponca, the great adversary of Careta, and obliged him to take
refuge in the mountains. He then ravaged his lands, and sacked
his villages, in which he found considerable booty. Returning
to Coyba, where he was joyfully entertained by Careta, he next
made a friendly visit to the adjacent province of Comagre, which
was under the sway of a cacique, of the same name, who had
3000 fighting men at his command.
This province was situated at the foot of a lofty mountain in
a beautiful plain, twelve leagues in extent. On the approach of
Vasco Nunez, the cacique came forth to meet him, attended by
seven sons, all fine young men, the offspring of his various wives.
He was followed by his principal chiefs and warriors, and by a
multitude of his people. The Spaniards were conducted with
great ceremony to the village, where quarters were assigned them,
and they were furnished with abundance of provisions, and men
and women were appointed to attend upon them.
The dwelling of the cacique surpassed any they had yet seen
for magnitude, and for the skill and solidity of the architecture.
It was one hundred and fifty paces in length, and eighty in
breadth, founded upon great logs, surrounded with a stone wall ;
while the upper part was of wood work, curiously interwoven,
VOL. m.
B
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
and wrought with such beauty as to cause surprise and admira
tion. It contained many commodious apartments. There were
store-rooms also ; one filled with bread, with venison, and other
provisions ; another with various spirituous beverages, which the
Indians made from maize, from a species of the palm, and from
roots of different kinds. There was also a great hall in a retired
and secret part of the building, wherein Comagre preserved the
bodies of his ancestors and relatives. These had been dried by the
fire, so as to free them from corruption, and afterwards wrapped
in mantles of cotton, richly wrought and interwoven with pearls
and jewels of gold, and with certain stones held precious by the
natives. They were then hung about the hall with cords of cotton,
and regarded with great reverence, if not with religious devo
tion.
The eldest son of the cacique was of a lofty and generous
spirit, and distinguished above the rest by his superior intelligence
and sagacity. Perceiving, says old Peter Martyr, that the Span
iards were a " wandering kind of men, living only by shifts and
spoil," he sought to gain favor for himself and family by grati
fying their avarice. He gave Vasco Nunez and Colmenares,
therefore, 4000 ounces of gold, wrought into various ornaments,
together with sixty slaves, captives taken in the wars. Vasco
Nunez ordered one-fifth of the gold to be weighed out and set
apart for the crown, and the rest to be shared among his fol
lowers.
The division of the gold took place in the porch of the dwell
ing of Comagre, in the presence of the youthful cacique who had
made the gift. As the Spaniards were weighing it out, a violent
quarrel arose among them as to the size and value of the
pieces which fell to their respective shares. The high-minded
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
147
savage was disgusted at this sordid brawl among beings whom he
had regarded with such reverence. In the first impulse of his
disdain he struck the scales with his fist, and scattered the glitter
ing gold about the porch. " Why," said he, " should you quarrel
for such a trifle ? If this gold is indeed so precious in your eyes,
that for it alone you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful
lands of others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and
perils, I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your
wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains," continued
he, pointing to the south ; " beyond these lies a mighty sea, which
may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people
who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like
them, with sails and oars. All the streams which flow down the
southern side of those mountains into that sea abound in gold ;
and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of
golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among
those people of the south as iron is among you Spaniards."
Vasco Nunez inquired eagerly as to the means of penetrating
to this sea and to the opulent regions on its shores. " The task,"
replied the prince, " is difficult and dangerous. You must pass
through the territories of many powerful caciques, who will
oppose you with hosts of warriors. Some parts of the moun
tains are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering
lawless race: but, above all, you will have to encounter the
great cacique Tubanamà, whose territories are at the distance
of six days' journey, and more rich in gold than any other pro
vince ; this cacique will be sure to come forth against you with
a mighty force. To accomplish your enterprise, therefore, will
require at least a thousand men armed like those who follow
you."
K 2
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
The youthful cacique gave him farther information on the
subject, collected from various captives taken in battle, and
from one of his own nation, who had been for a long time in
captivity to Tubanamà, the powerful cacique of the golden realm.
He moreover offered to prove the sincerity of his words by
accompanying Vasco Nunez, in any expedition to those parts, at
the head of his father's warriors.
Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nunez of the
Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an immediate
effect upon his whole character and conduct. This hitherto wan
dering and desperate man had now an enterprise opened to his
ambition, which, if accomplished, would elevate him to fame and
fortune, and entitle him to rank among the great captains and
discoverers of the earth. Henceforth the discovery of the sea
beyond the mountains was the great object of his thoughts, and
his whole spirit seemed roused and ennobled by the idea.
He hastened his return to Darien, to make the necessary pre
parations for this splendid enterprise. Before departing from
the province of Comagre he baptized that cacique by the name
of Don Carlos, and performed the same ceremony upon his sons
and several of his subjects ;—thus singularly did avarice and
religion go hand in hand in the conduct of the Spanish disco
verers.
Scarcely had Vasco Nunez returned to Darien when the Re-
gidor Valdivia arrived from Hispaniola, but with no more provi
sions than could be brought in his small caravel. These were
soon consumed, and the general scarcity continued. It was
heightened by a violent tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain,
which brought such torrents from the mountains that the river
swelled and overflowed its banks, laying waste all the adjacent
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
149
fields which had been cultivated. In this extremity Vasco Nunez
dispatched Valdivia a second time to Hispaniola for provisions.
Animated also by the loftier views of his present ambition, he
wrote to Don Diego Columbus, who governed at San Domingo,
informing him of the intelligence he had received of a great sea
and opulent realms beyond the mountains, and entreating him to
use his influence with the king that one thousand men might be
immediately furnished him for the prosecution of so grand a dis
covery. He sent him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns
in gold, to be remitted to the king as the royal fifths of what had
already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his fol
lowers, likewise, forwarded sums of gold to be remitted to their
creditors in Spain. In the meantime, Vasco Nunez prayed the
admiral to yield him prompt succor to enable him to keep his
footing in the land, representing the difliculty he had in maintain
ing, with a mere handful of men, so vast a country in a state of
subjection.
C H A P T E R IV.
EXPEDITION OP VASCO NUNEZ IN QUEST OP THE GOLDEN
TEMPLE OF DOBATBA.
[1512.]
W H I L E Vasco Nunez awaited the result of this mission of Val
divia, his active disposition prompted foraging excursions into the
surrounding country.
Among various rumors of golden realms in the interior of
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
this unknown land, was one concerning a province called Dobayba,
situated about forty leagues distant, on the banks of a great river
which emptied itself, by several mouths, into a corner of the Gulf
of Uraba.
This province derived its name, according to Indian tradition,
from a mighty female of the olden time, the mother of the god
who created the sun and moon and all good things. She had
power over the elements, sending thunder and lightning to lay
waste the lands of those who displeased her, but showering down
fertility and abundance upon the possessions of her faithful wor
shipers. Others described her as having been an Indian prin
cess, who once reigned among the mountains of Dobayba, and
was renowned throughout the land for her supernatural power
and wisdom. After her death, divine honors were paid her, and
a great temple was erected for her worship. Hither the natives
repaired from far and near, on a kind of pilgrimage, bearing
offerings of their most valuable effects. The caciques who ruled
over distant territories also sent golden tributes, at certain times
of the year, to be deposited in this temple, and slaves to be sacri
ficed at its shrine. At one time, it was added, this worship fell
into disuse, the pilgrimages were discontinued, and the caciques
neglected to send their tributes ; whereupon the deity, as a pun
ishment, inflicted a drought upon the country. The springs and
fountains failed, the rivers were dried up ; the inhabitants of the
mountains were obliged to descend into the plains, where they
digged pits and wells, but these likewise failing, a great part of
the nations perished with thirst. The remainder hastened to
propitiate the deity by tributes and sacrifices, and thus succeeded
in averting her displeasure. In consequence of offerings of the
kind, made for generations from all parts of the country, the tern-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
151
pie was said to be filled with treasure, and its walls to be covered
with golden gifts.* In addition to the tale of this temple, the
Indians gave marvelous accounts of the general wealth of this
province, declaring that it abounded with mines of gold, the veins
of which reached from the dwelling of the cacique to the borders
of his dominions.
To penetrate to this territory, and above all to secure the
treasures of the golden temple, was an enterprise suited to the
adventurous spirit of the Spaniards. Vasco Nunez chose one
hundred and seventy of his hardiest men for the purpose. Em
barking them in two brigantines and a number of canoes, he set
sail from Darien, and, after standing about nine leagues to the
east, came to the mouth of the Rio Grande de San Juan, or the
Great River of St. John, also called the Atrato, which is since
ascertained to be one of the branches of the river Darien. Here
he detached Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares with one-third of
his forces, to explore the stream, while he himself proceeded with
the residue to another branch of the river, which he was told
flowed from the province of Dobayba, and which he ascended,
flushed with sanguine expectations.!
* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap 6. Idem, decad. vii. cap. 10.
t In recording this expedition, the author has followed the old Spanish nar
ratives, written when the face of the country was but little known, and he was
much perplexed to reconcile the accounts given of numerous streams with the
rivers laid down on modern maps. By a clear and judicious explanation, given
in the recent work of Don Manuel Josef Quintana, it appears that the different
streams explored by Vasco Nunez and Colmenares were all branches of one
grand river, which, descending from the mountains of the interior, winds about
in crystal streams among the plains and morasses bordering the bottom of the
great Gulf of Darien, and discharges itself by various mouths into the gulf. In
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
His old enemy Zemaco, the cacique of Darien, however, had
discovered the object of his expedition, and had taken measures to
disappoint it ; repairing to the province of Dobayba, he had pre
vailed upon its cacique to retire at the approach of the Spaniards,
leaving his country deserted.
Vasco Nunez found a village situated in a marshy neighbor
hood, on the banks of the river, and mistook it for the residence
of the cacique : it was silent and abandoned. There was not an
Indian to be met with from whom he could obtain any informa
tion about the country, or who could guide him to the golden tem
ple. He was disappointed, also, in his hopes of obtaining a supply
of provisions, but he found weapons of various kinds hanging in
the deserted houses, and gathered jewels and pieces of gold to
the value of seven thousand castellanos. Discouraged by the
savage look of the surrounding wilderness, which was perplexed
by deep morasses, and having no guides to aid him in exploring
it, he put all the booty he had collected into two large canoes, and
made his way back to the Gulf of Uraba. Here he was assailed
by a violent tempest which nearly wrecked his two brigantines,
and obliged him to throw a great part of their cargoes overboard.
The two canoes containing the booty were swallowed up by the
raging sea, and all their crews perished.
Thus baffled and tempest-tost, Vasco Nunez at length suc
ceeded in getting into what is termed the Grand River, which he
ascended, and rejoined Colmenares and his detachment. They
now extended their excursions up a stream which emptied itself
into the Grand River, and which, from the dark hue of its waters,
fact, the stream which ran by the infant city of Santa Maria de la Antigua was
but one of its branches, a fact entirely unknown to Vasco Nuiîez and his com
panions.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
153
they called Rio Negro, or the Black River. They also explored
certain other tributary streams, branching from it, though not
without occasional skirmishes with the natives.
Ascending one of these minor rivers with a part of his men,
Vasco Nunez came to the territories of a cacique named Abi-
beyba, who reigned over a region of marshes and shallow lakes.
The habitations of the natives were built amidst the branches of
immense and lofty trees. They were large enough to contain
whole family connections, and were constructed partly of wood,
partly of a kind of wicker-work, combining strength and plia
bility, and yielding uninjured to the motion of the branches when
agitated by the wind. The inhabitants ascended to them, with
great agility, by light ladders, formed of great reeds split through
the middle, for the reeds on this coast grow to the thickness of a
man's body. These ladders they drew up after them at night, or
in case of attack. These habitations were well stocked with pro
visions ; but the fermented beverages, of which these people had
always a supply, were buried in vessels in the earth, at the foot
of the tree, lest they should be rendered turbid by the rocking of
the houses. Close by, also, were the canoes with which they
navigated the rivers and ponds of their marshy country, and fol
lowed their main occupation of fishing.
On the approach of the Spaniards, the Indians took refuge in
their tree-built castles, and drew up the ladders. The former
called upon them to descend and to fear nothing. Upon this the
cacique replied, entreating that he might not be molested, seeing
he had done them no injury. They threatened, unless he came
down, to fell the trees, or to set fire to them and burn him and his
wives and children. The cacique was disposed to consent, but
was prevented by the entreaties of his people. Upon this the
154
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
Spaniards prepared to hew down the trees, but were assailed by-
showers of stones. They covered themselves however with their
bucklers, assailed the trees vigorously with their hatchets, and
soon compelled the inhabitants to capitulate. The cacique de
scended with his wife and two of his children. The first demand
of the Spaniards was for gold. He assured them he had none ;
for, having no need of it, he had never made it an object of his
search. Being importuned, however, he said that if he were per
mitted to repair to certain mountains at a distance, he would in a
few days return, and bring them what they desired. They per
mitted him to depart, retaining his wife and children as hostages,
but they saw no more of the cacique. After remaining here a
few days, and regaling on the provisions which they found in
abundance, they continued their foraging expeditions, often op
posed by the bold and warlike natives, and suffering occasional
loss, but inflicting great havoc on their opposers.
Having thus overrun a considerable extent of country, and no
grand object presenting to lure him on to further enterprise, Vasco
Nunez at length returned to Darien with the spoils and captives
he had taken, leaving Bartolome Hurtado with thirty men in an
Indian village on the Rio Negro, or Black River, to hold the
country in subjection. Thus terminated the first expedition in
quest of the golden temple of Dobayba, which, for some time, con
tinued to be a favorite object of enterprise among the adventurers
of Darien.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
155
C H A P T E R V.
DISASTER ON THE BLACK RIVER. INDIAN PLOT AGAINST
DARIEN.
BARTOLOME HURTADO, being left to his own discretion on the
banks of the Black River, occupied himself occasionally in hunt
ing the scattered natives who straggled about the surrounding
forests. Having in this way picked up twenty-four captives, he
put them on board of a large canoe, like so much live stock, to be
transported to Darien and sold as slaves. Twenty of his follow
ers, who were infirm either from wounds or the diseases of the
climate, embarked also in the canoe, so that only ten men re
mained with Hurtado.
The great canoe, thus heavily freighted, descended the Black
River slowly, between banks overhung with forests. Zemaco, the
indefatigable cacique of Darien, was on the watch, and waylaid
the ark with four canoes filled with warriors, armed with war-
clubs and lances hardened in the fire. The Spaniards, being sick,
could make but feeble resistance ; some were massacred, others
leaped into the river and were drowned. Two only escaped, by
clinging to two trunks of trees that were floating down the river,
and covering themselves with the branches. Reaching the shore
in safety, they returned to Bartolome Hurtado with the tragical
tidings of the death of his followers. Hurtado was so disheart
ened by the news, and so dismayed at his own helpless situation,
in the midst of a hostile country, that he resolved to abandon the
fatal shores of the Black River, and return to Darien. He was
quickened in this resolution by receiving intimation of a con-
156
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
spiracy forming among the natives. The implacable Zemaco had
drawn four other caciques into a secret plan to assemble their
vassals and make a sudden attack upon.Darien : Hurtado has
tened with the remnant of his followers to carry tidings to the
settlement of this conspiracy. Many of the inhabitants were
alarmed at his intelligence ; others treated it as a false rumor of
the Indians, and no preparations were made against what might
be a mere imaginary danger.
Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the female captives
owned by Vasco Nunez was an Indian damsel named Fulvia ; to
whom, in consequence of her beauty, he had shown great favor,
and who had become strongly attached to him. She had a brother
among the warriors of Zemaco, who often visited her in secret.
In one of his visits, he informed her that on a certain night the
settlement would be attacked and every Spaniard destroyed. He
charged her, therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place
until he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the
confusion of the massacre.
When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took place in
the bosom of the Indian girl, between her feeling for her family
and her people, and her affection for Vasco Nunez. The latter
at length prevailed, and she revealed all that had been told to
her. The Spaniard prevailed on her to send for her brother un
der pretence of aiding her to escape. Having him in his power,
he extorted from him all that he knew of the designs of the ene
my. His confessions showed what imminent danger had been
lurking round Vasco Nunez in his most unsuspecting moments.
The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty Indians
sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to Vasco Nunez,
in seeming friendship, to be employed by him in cultivating the
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
157
fields adjacent to the settlement. They had secret orders, how
ever, to take an opportunity, when the Spaniard should come forth
to inspect their work, to set upon him in an unguarded moment,
and destroy him. Fortunately, Vasco Nunez always visited the
fields mounted on his war-horse, and armed with lance and target,
and the Indians were so awed by his martial appearance, and by
the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not attack him.
Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco resorted
to the conspiracy with which the settlement was now menaced.
Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had prepared
a hundred canoes ; amassed provisions for an army ; and con
certed to assemble five thousand picked warriors at a certain time
and place ; with these they were to make an attack on the settle
ment by land and water, in the middle of the night, and to
slaughter every Spaniard.
Having learnt where the confederate chiefs were to be found,
and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco Nunez
chose seventy of his best men well armed, and made a circuit by
land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied forth secretly in
four canoes, guided by the Indian prisoner. In this way they
surprised the general of the Indian army and several of the prin
cipal confederates, and got possession of all their provisions,
though they failed to capture the formidable Zemaco. The In
dian general was shot to death with arrows, and the leaders of the
conspiracy were hanged in presence of their captive followers.
The defeat of this deep-laid plan, and the punishment of its devi
sers, spread terror throughout the neighboring provinces, and pre
vented any further hostilities. Vasco Nunez, however, caused a
strong fortress of wood to be immediately erected, to guard against
any future assaults of the savages.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E E VT.
FURTHER FACTIONS IN THIS COLONY.—ARROGANCE OF ALONZO
PEREZ AND THE BACHELOR CORRAL.
A CONSIDERABLE time had now elapsed since the departure of
Valdivia for Hispaniola, yet no tidings had been received from
him. Many began to fear that some disaster had befallen him ;
while others insinuated that it was possible both he and Zamudio
might have neglected the objects of their mission, and, having
appropriated to their own use the gold with which they had been
intrusted, abandoned the colony to its fate.
Vasco Nunez himself was harassed by these surmises ; and
by the dread lest the Bachelor Enciso should succeed in preju
dicing the mind of his sovereign against him. Impatient of this
state of anxious suspense, he determined to repair to Spain, to
communicate in person all that he had heard concerning the
Southern Sea, and to ask for the troops necessary for its discovery.
Every one, however, both friend and foe, exclaimed against
such a measure, representing his presence as indispensable to the
safety of the colony, from his great talents as a commander, and
the fear entertained of him by the Indians.
After much debate and contention, it was at length agreed
that Juan de Cayzedo and Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares
should go in his place, instructed to make all necessary represen
tations to the king. Letters were written also, containing extra
vagant accounts of the riches of the country, partly dictated by
the sanguine hopes of the writers, and partly by the fables of the
natives. The rumored wealth of the province of Dobayba, and
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
159
the treasures of its golden temple were not forgotten ; and an
Indian was taken to Spain by the commissioners, a native of the
province of Zenu, where gold was said to be gathered in nets
stretched across the mountain streams. To give more weight to
all these stories, every one contributed some portion of gold from
his private hoard, to be presented to the king in addition to the
amount arising from his fifths.
But little time had elapsed after the departure of the commis
sioners, when new dissensions broke out in the colony. It was
hardly to be expected that a fortuitous assemblage of adventurers
could remain long tranquil during a time of suffering under rulers
of questionable authority. Vasco Nunez, it is true, had risen by
his courage and abilities ; but he had risen from among their
ranks ; he was in a manner of their own creation ; and they had
not become sufficiently accustomed to him as a governor, to forget
that he was recently but a mere soldier of fortune, and an ab
sconding debtor.
Their factious discontent, however, was directed at first against
a favorite of Vasco Nunez, rather than against himself. He had
invested Bartolome Hurtado, the commander of the Black Hiver,
with considerable authority in the colony, and the latter gave
great offence by his oppressive conduct. Hurtado had particu
larly aggrieved by his arrogance one Alonzo Perez de la Rua, a
touchy cavalier, jealous of his honor, and peculiarly gifted with
the sensitive punctilio of a Spaniard. Firing at some indignity,
whether real or fancied, Alonzo Perez threw himself into the
ranks of the disaffected, and was immediately chosen as their
leader. Thus backed by a faction, he clamored loudly for the
punishment of Hurtado ; and, finding his demands unattended to,
threw out threats of deposing Vasco Nunez. The latter, with
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
his usual spirit and promptness, seized upon the testy Alonzo
Perez, and threw him into prison, to digest his indignities and
cool his passion at leisure.
The conspirators flew to arms to liberate their leader. The
friends of Vasco Nunez were equally on the alert. The two par
ties drew out in battle array in the public square, and a san
guinary conflict was on the point of taking place. Fortunately
there were some cool heads left in the colony. These interfered
at the critical moment, representing to the angry adversaries that,
if they fought among themselves, and diminished their already
scanty numbers, even the conquerors must eventually fall a prey
to the Indians.
Their remonstrances had effect. A parley ensued, and, after
much noisy debate, a kind of compromise was made. Alonzo
Perez was liberated, and the mutineers dispersed quietly to their
homes. The next day, however, they were again in arms, and
seized upon Bartolome Hurtado ; but after a little while were pre
vailed upon to set him free. Their factious views seemed turned
to a higher object. They broke forth into loud murmurs against
Vasco Nunez, complaining that he had not made a fair division
of the gold and slaves taken in the late expeditions, and threaten
ing to arrest him and bring him to account. Above all, they
clamored for an immediate distribution of ten thousand castella-
nos in gold, yet unshared-
Vasco Nunez understood too well the riotous nature of the
people under him, and his own precarious hold on their obedi
ence, to attempt to cope with them in this moment of turbulence.
He shrewdly determined, therefore, to withdraw from the sight
of the multitude, and to leave them to divide the spoil among
themselves, trusting to their own strife for his security. That
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
161
very night he sallied forth into the country, under pretence of
going on a hunting expedition.
The next morning the mutineers found themselves in posses
sion of the field. Alonzo Perez, the pragmatical ringleader, im
mediately assumed the command, seconded by the Bachelor Cor
ral. Their first measure was to seize upon the ten thousand cas-
tellanos, and to divide them among the multitude, by way of
securing their own popularity. The event proved the sagacity
and forethought of Vasco Nunez. Scarcely had these hotheaded
intermeddlers entered upon the partition of the gold, than a furi
ous strife arose. Every one was dissatisfied with his share,
considering his merits entitled to peculiar recompense. Every
attempt to appease the rabble only augmented their violence, and
in their rage they swore that Vasco Nunez had always shown
more judgment and discrimination in his distributions to men of
merit.
The adherents of the latter now ventured to lift up their
voices ; " Vasco Nunez," said they, " won the gold by his enter
prise and valor, and would have shared it with the brave and
the deserving ; but these men have seized upon it by factious
means, and would squander it upon their minions." The multi
tude, who, in fact, admired the soldier-like qualities of Vasco
Nunez, displayed one of the customary reverses of popular feel
ing. The touchy Alonzo Perez, his coadjutor the Bachelor
Corral, and several other of the ringleaders were seized, put
into irons, and confined in the fortress ; and Vasco Nunez was
recalled with loud acclamations to the settlement.
How long this pseudo-commander might have been able to
manage the unsteady populace, it is impossible to say ; but just
at this juncture two ships arrived from Hispaniola, freighted with
. i n
i.
162
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
supplies, and bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty
men. They brought also a commission to Vasco Nunez, signed
by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal treasurer of Hispaniola, (to
whom he had sent a private present of gold,) constituting him
captain-general of the colony. It is doubtful whether Pasamonte
possessed the power to confer such a commission, though it is af
firmed that the king had clothed him with it, as a kind of check
upon the authority of the admiral Don Diego Columbus, then
governor of Hispaniola, of whose extensive sway in the New
World the monarch was secretly jealous. At any rate, the trea
surer appears to have acted in full confidence of the ultimate
approbation of his sovereign.
Vasco Nunez was rejoiced at receiving a commission which
clothed him with at least the semblance of royal sanction. Feel
ing more assured in his situation, and being naturally of a gen
erous and forgiving temper, he was easily prevailed upon, in his
moment of exultation, to release and pardon Alonzo Perez, the
Bachelor Corral, and the other ringleaders of the late commo
tions ; and for a time the feuds and factions of this petty commu
nity were lulled to repose.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
1G3
C H A P T E R V I I .
VASCO NUNEZ DETERMINES TO SEEK THE SEA BEYOND THE
MOUNTAINS.
[1513.]
T H E temporary triumph of Vasco Nunez was soon overcast by
tidings from Spain. His late colleague, the alcalde Zamudio,
wrote him word, that the Bachelor Enciso had carried his com
plaints to the foot of the throne, and succeeded in rousing the
indignation of the king, and had obtained a sentence in his favor,
condemning Vasco Nunez in costs and damages. Zamudio in
formed him in addition, that he would be immediately summoned
to repair to Spain, and answer in person the criminal charges
advanced against him on account of the harsh treatment and
probable death of the unfortunate Nieuesa.
Vasco Nunez was at first stunned by this intelligence, which
seemed at one blow to annihilate all his hopes and fortunes. He
was a man, however, of prompt decision and intrepid spirit. The
information received from Spain was private and informal ; no
order had yet arrived from the king ; he was still master of his
actions, and had control over the colony. One brilliant achieve
ment might atone for all the past, and fix him in the favor of the
monarch. Such an achievement was within his reach—the dis
covery of the southern sea. It is true, a thousand soldiers had
been required for the expedition, but were he to wait for their
arrival from Spain, his day of grace would be past. It was a
desperate thing to undertake the task with the handful of men at
his command, but the circumstances of the case were desperate.
i 2
164
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Fame, fortune, life itself, depended upon the successful and the
prompt execution of the enterprise. T o linger was to be lost.
Vasco Nunez looked round upon the crew of daring and
reckless adventurers that formed the colony, and chose one
hundred and ninety of the most resolute, vigorous, and de
voted to his person. These he armed with swords, targets, cross
bows, and arquebuses. He did not conceal from them the
danger of the enterprise into which he was about to lead them ;
but the spirit of these Spanish adventurers was always roused by
the idea of perilous and extravagant exploit. To aid his slender
forces, he took with him a number of bloodhounds, which had
been found to be terrific allies in Indian warfare.
The Spanish writers make particular mention of one of those
animals, named Leoncico, which was a constant companion, and
as it were body-guard of Vasco Nunez, and describe him as
minutely as they would a favorite warrior. He was of a middle
size, but immensely strong : of a dull yellow or reddish color, with
a black muzzle, and his body was scarred all over with wounds
received in innumerable battles with the Indians. Vasco Nunez
always took him on his expeditions, and sometimes lent him to
others, receiving for his services the same share of booty allotted
to an armed man. In this way he gained by him in the course
of his campaigns upwards of a thousand crowns. The Indians,
it is said, had conceived such terror of this animal, that the very
sight of him was sufficient to put a host of them to flight.*
In addition to these forces, Vasco Nunez took with him a num
ber of the Indians of Darien, whom he had won to him by kind
ness, and whose services were important, from their knowledge
of the wilderness, and of the habits and resources of savage life.
. * Oviedo, Hist. Ind., p. 2, cap. 3, M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS. 165
Such was the motley armament that set forth from the little
colony of Darien, under the guidance of a daring, if not desperate
commander, in quest of the great Pacific Ocean.
C H A P T E R V I I I .
EXPEDITION IN QUEST OF THE SOUTHERN SEA.
IT was on the first of September that Vasco Nunez embarked
with his followers in a brigantine and nine large canoes or pi
rogues, followed by the cheers and good wishes of those who re
mained at the settlement. Standing to the northwestward, he
arrived without accident at Coyba, the dominion of the cacique
Careta, whose daughter he had received as a pledge of amity.
That Indian beauty had acquired a great influence over Vasco
Nunez, and appears to have cemented his friendship with her
father and her people. He was received by the cacique with
open arms, and furnished with guides and warriors to aid him in
his enterprise.
Vasco Nunez left about half of his men at Coyba to guard
the brigantine and canoes, while he should penetrate the wilder
ness with the residue. The importance of his present expedition,
not merely as affecting his own fortunes, but as it were unfolding
a mighty secret of nature, seems to have impressed itself upon
his spirit, and to have given correspondent solemnity to his con
duct. Before setting out upon his march, he caused mass to be
performed, and offered up prayers to God for the success of his
perilous undertaking.
It was on the sixth of September, that he struck off for the
166
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
mountains. The march was difficult and toilsome. The Span
iards, encumbered with the weight of their armor and weapons,
and oppressed by the heat of a tropical climate, were obliged to
climb rocky precipices, and to struggle through close and tangled
forests. Their Indian allies aided them by carrying their ammu
nition and provisions, and by guiding them to the most practica
ble paths.
On the eighth of September they arrived at the village of
Ponca, the ancient enemy of Careta. The village was lifeless
and abandoned ; the cacique and his people had fled to the fast
nesses of the mountains. The Spaniards remained here several
days to recruit the health of some of their number who had fallen
ill. It was necessary also to procure guides acquainted with the
mountain wilderness they were approaching. The retreat of
Ponca was at length discovered, and he was prevailed upon,
though reluctantly, to come to Vasco Nunez. The latter had a
peculiar facility in winning the confidence and friendship of the
natives. The cacique was soon so captivated by his kindness that
he revealed to him in secret all he knew of the natural riches of
the country. He assured him of the truth of what had been told
him about a great pechry or sea beyond the mountains, and gave
him several ornaments ingeniously wrought of fine gold, which
had been brought from the countries upon its borders. He told
him, moreover, that when he had attained the summit of a lofty
ridge, to which he pointed, and which seemed to rise up to the
skies, he would behold that sea spread out far below him.
Animated by these accounts, Vasco Nunez procured fresh
guides from the cacique, and prepared to ascend the mountains.
Numbers of his men having fallen ill from fatigue and the heat
of the climate, he ordered them to return slowly to Coyba,
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
167
taking with him none but such as were in robust and vigorous
health.
On the 20th of September, he again set forward through a
broken rocky country, covered with a matted forest, and inter
sected by deep and turbulent streams, many of which it was ne
cessary to cross upon rafts.
So toilsome was the journey, that in four days they did not
advance above ten leagues, and in the meantime they suffered
excessively from hunger. At the end of this time they arrived
at the province of a warlike cacique, named Quaraquà, who was
at war with Ponca.
Hearing that a band of strangers were entering his territo
ries, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the cacique took
the field with a large number of warriors, some armed with bows
and arrows, others with long spears, or with double-handed maces
of palm-wood, almost as heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the
inconsiderable number of the Spaniards, they set upon them with
furious yells, thinking to overcome them in an instant. The first
discharge of firearms, however, struck them with dismay. They
thought they were contending with demons who vomited forth
thunder and lightning, especially when they saw their companions
fall bleeding and dead beside them, without receiving any appa
rent blow. They took to headlong flight, and were hotly pursued
by the Spaniards and their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed
with lances, others hewn down with swords, and many were torn
to pieces by the dogs, so that Quaraquà and six hundred of his
warriors were left dead upon the field.
A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken pris
oners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Either from
their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of their enemies,
168
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
the Spaniards were induced to consider them guilty of unnatural
crimes, and, in their abhorrence and disgust, gave them to be torn
to pieces by the bloodhounds.*
It is also affirmed, that among the prisoners were several ne
groes, who had been slaves to the cacique. The Spaniards, we
are told, were informed by the other captives, that these black
men came from a region at no great distance, where there was a
people of that color, with whom they were frequently at war.
" These," adds the Spanish writer, " were the first negroes ever
found in the New World, and I believe no others have since been
discovered."!
After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched to the
village of Quaraquà, where they found considerable booty in gold
and jewels. Of this Vasco Nunez reserved one-fifth for the
crown, and shared the rest liberally among his followers. The
village was at the foot of the last mountain that remained for
them to climb ; several of the Spaniards, however, were so disa
bled by wounds received in battle, or so exhausted by the fatigue
and hunger they had endured, that they were unable to proceed.
They were obliged therefore reluctantly to remain in the village,
within sight of the mountain-top that commanded the long-sought
* Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. lib. x. cap. 1 .
t Peter Martyr, in his third Decade, makes mention of these negroes in the
following words :—" About two days' journey distant from Quaraquà is a region
inhabited only by black moors, exceeding fierce and cruel. It is supposed that
in time past certain black moors sailed thither out of Ethiopia, to rob, and that
by shipwreck, or some other chance, they were driven to these mountains." A s
Martyr lived and wrote at the time, he of course related the mere rumor of the
day, which all subsequent accounts have disproved. The other historians who
mentioned the circumstance, have probably repeated it from him. It must have
risen from some misrepresentation, and is not entitled to credit.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
169
prospect. Vasco Nunez selected fresh guides from among his
prisoners, who were natives of the province, and sent back the
subjects of Ponca. Of the band of Spaniards who had set out
with him in this enterprise, sixty-seven alone remained in suffi
cient health and spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to
retire early to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the
cool and fresh hour of daybreak, so as to reach the summit of
the mountain before the noontide heat.
C H A P T E R I X .
DISCOVERT OP THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
T H E day had scarce dawned, when Vasco Nunez and his follow
ers set forth from the Indian village and began to climb the
height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men so wayworn ;
but they were filled with new ardor at the idea of the triumphant
scene that was so soon to repay them for all their hardships.
About ten o'clock in the morning they emerged from the thick
forests through which they had hitherto struggled, and arrived at
a lofty and airy region of the mountain. The bald summit alone
remained to be ascended ; and their guides pointed to a mod
erate eminence, from which they said the southern sea was
visible.
Upon this Vasco Nunez commanded his followers to halt, and
that no man should stir from his place. Then, with a palpitating
, heart, he ascended alone the bare mountain-top. On reaching
the summit the long-desired prospect burst upon his view. It
170
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
was as if a new world were unfolded to him, separated from all
hitherto known by this mighty barrier of mountains. Below him
extended a vast chaos of rock and forest, and green savannas and
wandering streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised
ocean glittered in the morning sun.
At this glorious prospect Vasco Nunez sank upon his knees,
and poured out thanks to God for being the first European to
whom it was given to make that great discovery. He then called
his people to ascend : " Behold, my friends," said he, " that glo
rious sight which we have so much desired. Let us give thanks
to God that he has granted us this great honor and advantage.
Let us pray to Him to guide and aid us to conquer the sea and
land which we have discovered, and which Christian has never
entered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists. As to
yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and true to me,
and by the favor of Christ you will become the richest Spaniards
that have ever come to the Indies ; you will render the greatest
services to your king that ever vassal rendered to his lord ; and
you will have the eternal glory and advantage of all that is here
discovered, conquered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith."
The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing Vasco
Nunez and promising to follow him to death. Among them was
a priest, named Andres de Vara, who lifted up his voice and
chanted Te Deum laudamus—the usual anthem of Spanish dis
coverers. The rest, kneeling down, joined in the strain with
pious enthusiasm and tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere
oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that
mountain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime disco
veries that had yet been made in the New World, and must have
opened a boundless field of conjecture to the wondering Spaniards.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
171
The imagination delights to picture forth the splendid confusion
of their thoughts. Was this the great Indian Ocean, studded
with precious islands, abounding in gold, in gems, and spices, and
bordered by the gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ?
or was it some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage
uncultivated continents, and never traversed by a bark, excepting
the light pirogue of the savage ? The latter could hardly be the
case, for the natives had told the Spaniards of golden realms, and
populous and powerful and luxurious nations upon its shores.
Perhaps it might be bordered by various people, civilized in fact,
though differing from Europe in their civilization ; who might
have peculiar laws and customs and arts and sciences; who might
form, as it were, a world of their own, intercommuning by this
mighty sea, and carrying on commerce between their own islands
and continents ; but who might exist in total ignorance and inde
pendence of the other hemisphere.
Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by the
sight of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent belief of the
Spaniards, however, that they were the first Christians who had
made the discovery. Vasco Nunez, therefore, called upon all
present to witness that he took possession of that sea, its islands,
and surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereigns of Castile,
and the notary of the expedition made a testimonial of the same,
to which all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed
their names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down
and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot whence
he had first beheld the sea. A mound of stones was likewise
piled up to serve as a monument, and the names of the Castilian
sovereigns were carved on the neighboring trees. The Indians
beheld all these ceremonials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and,
172
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
while they aided to erect the cross and pile up the mound of
stones, marveled exceedingly at the meaning of these monu-
ments, little thinking that they marked the subjugation of their
land.
The memorable event here recorded took place on the 26th
of September, 1513 ; so that the Spaniards had spent twenty
days in performing the journey from the province of Careta to
the summit of the mountain, a distance which at present, it is
said, does not require more than six days' travel. Indeed the
isthmus in this neighborhood is not more than eighteen leagues in
breadth in its widest part, and in some places merely seven ; but
it consists of a ridge of extremely high and rugged mountains.
When the discoverers traversed it, they had no route but the
Indian paths, and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of
obstacles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabitants.
In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently account for the
slowness of their progress, and present an array of difficulties
and perils, which, as has been well observed, none but those "men
of iron " could have subdued and overcome.*
C H A P T E E X .
VASCO NUNEZ MARCHES TO THE SHORES OF T H E SOUTH SEA.
[ 1 5 1 3 ]
H A V I N G taken possession of the Pacific Ocean and all its realms
from the summit of the mountain, Vasco Nunez now descended
* Vidas de Espanoles Célèbres, por Don Manuel Josef Quintana, torn. ii.
p. 40.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
173
with his little band, to seek the regions of reputed wealth upon
its shores. He had not proceeded far when he came to the
province of a warlike cacique, named Cheapes, who, issuing forth
at the head of his warriors, looked with scorn upon the scanty
number of straggling Spaniards, and forbade them to set foot
within his territories. Vasco Nunez depended for safety upon
his power of striking terror into the ignorant savages. Ordering
his arquebusiers to the front, he poured a volley into the enemy,
and then let loose the bloodhounds. The flash and noise of the
firearms, and the sulphurous smoke which was carried by the
wind among the Indians, overwhelmed them with dismay. Some
fell down in a panic as though they had been struck by thunder
bolts, the rest betook themselves to headlong flight.
Vasco Nunez commanded his men to refrain from needless
slaughter. He made many prisoners, and on arriving at the vil
lage, sent some of them in search of their cacique, accompanied
by several of his Indian guides. The latter informed Cheapes
of the supernatural power of the Spaniards, assuring him that
they exterminated with thunder and lightning all who dared to
oppose them, but loaded all such as submitted to them with bene
fits. They advised him, therefore, to throw himself upon their
mercy and seek their friendship.
The cacique listened to their advice, and came trembling to
the Spaniards, bringing with him five hundred pounds' weight of
wrought gold as a peace offering, for he had already learnt the
value they set upon that metal. Vasco Nunez received him with
great kindness, and graciously accepted his gold, for which he
gave him beads, hawks'-bells, and looking-glasses, making him in
his own conceit the richest potentate on that side of the mountains.
Friendship being thus established between them, Vasco Nunez
174
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
remained at the village for a few days, sending back the guides
who had accompanied him from Quaraquà, and ordering his peo
ple whom he had left at that place to rejoin him. In the mean
time he sent out three scouting parties of twelve men each, under
Francisco Pizarro, Juan de Escaray, and Alonzo Martin de Bon
Benito, to explore the surrounding country and discover the best
route to the sea. Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After
two days' journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large
canoes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight.
While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and wondering
why they should be so far on land, the tide, which rises to a great
height on that coast, came rapidly in and set them afloat ; upon
this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one of them, and called his com
panions to bear witness that he was the first European that em
barked upon that sea ; his example was followed by one Bias de
Etienza, who called them likewise to testify that he was the
second.*
W e mention minute particulars of the kind, as being charac
teristic of these extraordinary enterprises, and of the extraordi
nary people who undertook them. The humblest of these Span
ish adventurers seemed actuated by a swelling and ambitious
spirit, which rose superior at times to mere sordid considerations,
and aspired to share the glory of these great discoveries. The
scouting party having thus explored a direct route to the sea-
coast, returned to report their success to their commander.
Vasco Nunez being rejoined by his men from Quarequà, now
left the greater part of his followers to repose and recover from
their sickness and fatigues in the village of Chiapes ; and, taking
with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, he set out on the
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. x. cap. 2.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
175
twenty-ninth of September, for the sea-coast, accompanied by the
cacique and a number of his warriors. The thick forests, which
covered the mountains, descended to the very margin of the sea,
surrounding and overshadowing the wide and beautiful bays that
penetrated far into the land. The whole coast, as far as the eye
could reach, was perfectly wild, the sea without a sail, and both
seemed never to have been under the dominion of civilized man.
Vasco Nunez arrived on the borders of one of those vast
bays, to which he gave the name of Saint Michael, it being dis
covered on that saint's day. The tide was out, the water was
above half a league distant, and the intervening beach was
covered with mud ; he seated himself, therefore, under the shade
of the forest trees until the tide should rise. After a while, the
water came rushing in with great impetuosity, and soon reached
nearly to the place where the Spaniards were reposing. Upon this
Vasco Nunez rose and took a banner on which were painted the
Virgin and child, and under them the arms of Castile and Leon ;
then drawing his sword and throwing his buckler on his shoulder,
he marched into the sea until the water reached above his knees,
and waving his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice, " Long live
the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and Donna Juana,
sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in whose name,
and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corporal, and
actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports,
and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the
kingdoms and provinces which do or may appertain to them, in
whatever manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or modern,
in times past, present, or to come, without any contradiction ; and
if other prince or captain, Christian or infidel, or of any law,
sect or condition whatsoever, shall pretend any right to these
176
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to maintain and defend
them in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, present and future,
whose is the empire and dominion over these Indian islands, and
Terra Firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, both at
the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoctial
line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capri
corn, both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and
until the final day of judgment of all mankind."
This swelling declaration and defiance being uttered with a
loud voice, and no one appearing to dispute his pretensions,
Vasco Nunez called upon his companions to bear witness of the
fact of his having duly taken possession. They all declared
themselves ready to defend his claim to the uttermost, as became
true and loyal vassals to the Castilian sovereigns ; and the notary
having drawn up a document for the occasion, they subscribed it
with their names.
This done, they advanced to the margin of the sea, and stoop
ing down tasted its waters. When they found, that, though sev
ered by intervening mountains and continents, they were salt
like the seas of the north, they felt assured that they had indeed
discovered an ocean, and again returned thanks to God.
Having concluded all these ceremonies, Vasco Nunez drew a
dagger from his girdle and cut a cross on a tree which grew
within the water, and made two other crosses on two adjacent
trees, in honor of the Three Persons of the Trinity, and in token
of possession. His followers likewise cut crosses on many of the
trees of the adjacent forest, and lopped off branches with their
swords to bear away as trophies.*
* Many of the foregoing particulars are from the unpublished volume ot
Oviedo's History of the Indies.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
177
Such was the singular medley of chivalrous and religious cer
emonial, with which these Spanish adventurers took possession of
the vast Pacific Ocean, and all its lands—a scene strongly char
acteristic of the nation and the age.
C H A P T E R X I .
A D V E N T U R E S O F V A S C O N U N E Z O N T H E B O R D E R S O F T H E
P A C I F I C O C E A N .
[1513.]
W H I L E he made the village of Chiapes his head-quarters, Vasco
Nunez foraged the adjacent country, and obtained considerable
quantities of gold from the natives. Encouraged by his success,
he undertook to explore by sea the borders of a neighboring gulf
of great extent, which penetrated far into the land. The cacique
Chiapes warned him of the danger of venturing to sea in the
stormy season, which comprises the months of October, Novem
ber, and December, assuring him that he had beheld many canoes
swallowed up in the mighty waves and whirlpools, which at such
time render the gulf almost unnavigable.
These remonstrances were unavailing : Vasco Nunez ex
pressed a confident belief that God would protect him, seeing
that his voyage was to redound to the propagation of the faith,
and the augmentation of the power of the Castilian monarchs
over the infidels ; and in truth this bigoted reliance on the im
mediate protection of Heaven seems to have been, in a great
measure, the cause of the extravagant daring of the Spaniards
VOL. I l l ,
M
178 V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
in their expeditions in those days, whether against Moors or
Indians.
Finding his representations of no effect, Chiapes volunteered
to take part in this perilous cruise, lest he should appear wanting
in courage, or in good will to his guest. Accompanied by the
cacique, therefore, Vasco Nunez embarked on the 17th of Octo
ber with sixty men in nine canoes, managed by Indians, leaving
the residue of his followers to recruit their health and strength
in the village of Chiapes.
Scarcely however had they put forth on the broad bosom of
the gulf, when the wisdom of the cacique's advice was made
apparent. The wind began to blow freshly, raising a heavy and
tumultuous sea, which broke in roaring and foaming surges on
the rocks and reefs, and among the numerous islets with which
the gulf was studded. The light canoes were deeply laden with
men unskilled in their management. It was frightful to those in
one canoe to behold their companions, one instant tossed high on
the breaking crest of a wave, the next plunging out of sight, in
a watery abyss. The Indians themselves, though almost amphi
bious in their habits, showed signs of consternation ; for amidst
these rocks and breakers even the skill of the expert swimmer
would be of little avail. At length the Indians succeeded in ty
ing the canoes in pairs, side by side, to prevent their being over
turned, and in this way they kept afloat, until towards evening
they were enabled to reach a small island. Here they landed,
and fastening the canoes to the rocks, or to small trees that grew
upon the shore, they sought an elevated dry place, and stretched
themselves to take repose. They had but escaped from one
danger to encounter another. Having been for a long time ac
customed to the sea on the northern side of the isthmus, where
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
179
there is little, if any, rise or fall of the tide, they had neglected to
take any precaution against such an occurrence. In a little while
they were awakened by the rapid rising of the water. They shifted
their situation to a higher ground, but the waters continued to gain
upon them, the breakers rushing and roaring and foaming upon
the beach like so many monsters of the deep seeking for their prey.
Nothing, it is said, can be more dismal and appalling than the
sullen bellowing of the sea among the islands of that gulf at the
rising and falling of the tide. By degrees, rock after rock, and
one sand-bank after another disappeared, until the sea covered
the whole island and rose almost to the girdles of the Spaniards.
Their situation was now agonizing. A little more and the waters
would overwhelm them : or, even as it was, the least surge might
break over them and sweep them from their unsteady footing.
Fortunately the wind had lulled, and the sea, having risen above
the rocks which had fretted it, became calm. The tide had
reached its height and began to subside, and after a time
they heard the retiring waves beating against the rocks below
them.
When the day dawned they sought their canoes ; but here a
sad spectacle met their eyes. Some were broken to pieces, others
yawning open in many parts. The clothing and food left in
them had been washed away, and replaced by sand and water.
The Spaniards gazed on the scene in mute despair ; they were
faint and weary, and needed food and repose, but famine and
labor awaited them, even if they should escape with their lives.
Vasco Nunez, however, rallied their spirits, and set them an ex
ample by his own cheerful exertions. Obeying his directions,
they set to work to repair, in the best manner they were able, the
damages of the canoes. Such as were not too much shattered
M 2
180
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
they bound and braced up with their girdles, with slips of the
bark of trees, or with the tough long stalks of certain sea-weeds.
They then peeled off the bark from the small sea-plants, pounded
it between stones, and mixed it with grass, and with this endea
vored to calk the seams and stop the leaks. When re-embarked,
their numbers weighed down the canoes almost to the water's
edge, and as they rose and sank with the swelling waves there
was danger of their being swallowed up. All day they labored
with the sea, suffering excessively from hunger and thirst, and at
nightfall they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the abode of a
cacique named Tiimaco. Leaving a part of his men to guard
the canoes, Vasco Nuiiez set out with the residue for the Indian
town. He arrived there about midnight, but the inhabitants were
on the alert to defend their habitations. The firearms and dogs
soon put them to flight, and the Spaniards pursuing them with
their swords, drove them howling into the woods. In the village
were found provisions in abundance, beside a considerable amount
of gold and a great quantity of pearls, many of them of a large
size. In the house of the cacique were several huge shells of
mother of pearl, and four pearl oysters quite fresh, which showed
that there was a pearl fishery in the neighborhood. Eager to
learn the sources of this wealth, Vasco Nunez sent several of the
Indians of Chiapes in search of the cacique, who traced him to
a wild retreat among the rocks. By their persuasions Tumaco
sent his son, a fine young savage, as a mediator. The latter re
turned to his father loaded with presents, and extolling the be
nignity of these superhuman beings, who had shown themselves
so terrible in battle. B y these means, and by a mutual exchange
of presents, a friendly intercourse was soon established. Among
other things the cacique gave Vasco Nunez jewels of gold weigh-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
181
ing six hundred and fourteen crowns, and two hundred pearls of
great size and beauty, excepting that they were somewhat dis
colored in consequence of the oysters having been opened by
fire.
The cacique seeing the value which the Spaniards set upon
the pearls, sent a number of his men to fish for them at a place
about ten miles distant. Certain of the Indians were trained
from their youth to this purpose, so as to become expert divers,
and to acquire the power of remaining a long time beneath the
water. The largest pearls are generally found in the deepest
water, sometimes in three and four fathoms, and are only sought
in calm weather ; the smaller sort are found at the depth of two
and three feet, and the oysters containing them are often driven
in quantities on the beach during violent storms.
The party of pearl-divers sent by the cacique consisted of
thirty Indians, with whom Vasco Nunez sent six Spaniards as
eye-witnesses. The sea, however, w a 3 so furious at that stormy
season that the divers dared not venture into the deep water.
Such a number of the shell-fish, however, had been driven on
shore, that they collected enough to yield pearls to the value of
twelve marks of gold. They were small, but exceedingly beauti
ful, being newly taken and uninjured by fire. A number of these
shell-fish and their pearls were selected to be sent to Spain as
specimens.
In reply to the inquiries of Vasco Nunez, the cacique informed
him that the coast which he saw stretching to the west continued
onwards without end, and that far to the south there was a coun
try abounding in gold, where the inhabitants made use of certain
quadrupeds to carry burdens. He moulded a figure of clay to
represent these animals, which some of the Spaniards supposed
182
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S O F
to be a deer, others a camel, others a tapir ; for as yet they knew
nothing of the lama, the native beast of burden of South America.
This was the second intimation received by Vasco Nunez of the
great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all that had been
told him by the son of Comagre, it awakened glowing anticipa-
tions of the glorious triumphs that awaited him.
C H A P T E R X I I .
FARTHER ADVENTURES AND E X P L O I T S OF V A S C O NUNEZ ON
THE BORDERS OF T H E PACIFIC OCEAN.
[ 1 5 1 3 ]
L E S T any ceremonial should be wanting to secure this grand dis-
covery to the crown of Spain, Vasco Nuiiez determined to sally
from the gulf and take possession of the main-land beyond. The
cacique Tûmaco furnished him with a canoe of state, formed from
the trunk of an enormous tree, and managed by a great number
of Indians. The handles of the paddles were inlaid with small
pearls, a circumstance which Vasco Nunez caused his companions
to testify before the notary, that it might be reported to the
sovereigns as a proof of the wealth of this newly discovered sea.*
Departing in the canoe on the 29th of October, he was piloted
cautiously by the Indians along the borders of the gulf, over
drowned lands where the sea was fringed by inundated forests,
and as still as a pool. Arrived at the point of the gulf, Vasco
Nunez landed on a smooth sandy beach, laved by the waters of
* Oviedo, Hist. Gen., p. 2 , M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S O F C O L U M B U S .
183
the broad ocean, and, with buckler on arm, sword in hand, and
banner displayed, again marched into the sea and took possession
of it, with like ceremonials to those observed in the Gulf of St.
Michael's.
The Indians now pointed to a line of land rising above the
horizon about four or five leagues distant, which they described
as being a great island, the principal one of an archipelago. The
whole group abounded with pearls, but those taken on the coasts
of this island were represented as being of immense size, many
of them as large as a man's eye, and found in shell-fish as big as
bucklers. This island and the surrounding cluster of small ones,
they added, were under the dominion of a tyrannical and puissant
cacique, who often, during the calm seasons, made descents upon
the main-land with fleets of canoes, plundering and desolating the
coasts, and carrying the people into captivity.
Vasco Nunez gazed with an eager and wistful eye at this
land of riches, and would have immediately undertaken an expe-
dition to it, had not the Indians represented the danger of ven-
turing on such a voyage in that tempestuous season, in their frail
canoes. His own recent experience convinced him of the wisdom
of their remonstrances. He postponed his visit, therefore, to a
future occasion, when, he assured his allies, he would avenge
them upon this tyrant invader, and deliver their coasts from his
maraudings. In the meantime he gave to this island the name
of Isla Rica, and the little archipelago surrounding it the general
appellation of the Pearl Islands.
On the 3d of November he departed from the province of
Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. He embarked with his
men in the canoes, accompanied by Chiapes and his Indians, and
guided by the son of Tûmaco, who had become strongly attached
184
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S O F
to the Spaniards. The young man piloted them along an arm of
the sea, wide in some places, but in others obstructed by groves
of mangrove trees, which grew within the water and interlaced
their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spaniards
were obliged to cut a passage with their swords.
A t length they entered a great and turbulent river, which
they ascended with difficulty, and, early the next morning sur-
prised a village on its banks, making the cacique Teaochan pris-
oner ; who purchased their favor and kind treatment by a quantity
of gold and pearls, and an abundant supply of provisions. A s it
was the intention of Vasco Nunez to abandon the shores of the
Southern Ocean at this place, and to strike across the mountains
for Darien, he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of
Tûmaco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. He
sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he had left
in the village of Chiapes, appointing a place in the mountains
where they were to rejoin him on his way back to Darien.
The talent of Vasco Nuiiez for conciliating and winning the
good will of the savages is often mentioned, and to such a degree
had he exerted it in the present instance that the two chieftains
shed tears at parting. Their conduct had a favorable effect upon
the cacique Teaochan ; he entertained Vasco Nunez with the
most devoted hospitality during three days that he remained in
his village ; when about to depart he furnished him with a stock
of provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would be
over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a numerous band
of his subjects to carry the burdens of the Spaniards. These he
placed under the command of his son, whom he ordered never to
separate from the strangers, nor to permit any of his men to
return without the consent of Vasco Nunez.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
185
C H A P T E R Xin.
VASCO NUNEZ SETS OUT ON HIS RETURN ACROSS THE MOUN
TAINS. HIS CONTESTS W I T H THE SAVAGES.
TURNING their backs upon the Southern Sea, the Spaniards now
began painfully to clamber the rugged mountains on their return
to Darien.
In the early part of their route an unlooked-for suffering
awaited them : there was neither brook nor fountain nor standing
pool. The burning heat, which produced intolerable thirst, had
dried up all the mountain torrents, and they were tantalized by
the sight of naked and dusty channels where water had once
flowed in abundance. Their sufferings at length increased to such
a height that many threw themselves fevered and panting upon
the earth, and were ready to give up the ghost. The Indians,
however, encouraged them to proceed, by hopes of speedy relief,
and after a while, turning aside from the direct course, led them
into a deep and narrow glen, refreshed and cooled by a fountain
which bubbled out of a cleft of the rocks.
While refreshing themselves at the fountain, and reposing in
the little valley, they learnt from their guides that they were in
the territories of a powerful chief named Poncra, famous for his
riches. The Spaniards had already heard of the golden stores
of this Croesus of the mountains, and being now refreshed and
invigorated, pressed forward with eagerness for his village. The
cacique and most of his people fled at their approach, but they
found an earnest of his wealth in the deserted houses, amounting
to the value of three thousand crowns in gold. Their avarice thus
186
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
whetted, they dispatched Indians in search of Poncra, who found
him trembling in his secret retreat, and partly by threats, partly
by promises, prevailed upon him and three of his principal sub
jects to come to Vasco Nunez. He was a savage, it is said, so
hateful of aspect, so misshapen in body and deformed in all his
members, that he was hideous to behold. The Spaniards en
deavored by gentle means to draw from him information of the
places whence he procured his gold. He professed utter ignor
ance in the matter, declaring that the gold found in his village
had been gathered by his predecessors in times long past, and that
as he himself set no value on the metal, he had never troubled
himself to seek it. The Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even,
it is said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed trea
sures, but with no better success. Disappointed™ their expecta
tions, and enraged at his supposed obstinacy, they listened too
readily to charges advanced against him by certain caciques of
the neighborhood, who represented him as a monster of cruelty,
and as guilty of crimes repugnant to nature ;* whereupon, in the
heat of the moment, they gave him and his three companions,
who were said to be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the
dogs.—A rash and cruel sentence, issued on the evidence of
avowed enemies ; and which, however it may be palliated by the
alleged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed crimes
of the cacique, bears visibly the stamp of haste and passion, and
remains accordingly a foul blot on the character of Vasco Nunez.
The Spaniards staid for thirty days reposing in the village of
the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they were rejoined by
their companions, who had been left behind at the village of
Chiapes. They were accompanied by a cacique of the moun-
* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 2.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
187
tains, who had lodged and fed them, and made them presents of
the value of two thousand crowns in gold. This hospitable sav
age approached Vasco Nunez with a serene countenance, and
taking him by the hand, " Behold," said he, " most valiant and
powerful chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they
entered under my roof. May he who made the thunder and
lightning, and who gives us the fruits of the earth, preserve thee
and thine in safety !" So saying, he raised his eyes to the sun,
as if he worshiped that as his deity and the dispenser of all tem
poral blessings.*
Departing from this village, and being still accompanied by
the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now bent their course
along the banks of the river Comagre, which descends the north
ern side of the Isthmus, and flows through the territories of the
cacique of the same name. Thi3 wild stream, which in the course
of ages had worn a channel through the deep clefts and ravines
of the mountains, was bordered by precipices, or overhung by
shagged forests ; they soon abandoned it, therefore, and wandered
on without any path, but guided by the Indians. They had to
climb terrible precipices, and to descend into deep valleys, dark
ened by thick forests and beset by treacherous morasses, where,
but for their guides, they might have been smothered in the
mire.
In the course of this rugged journey they suffered excessively
in consequence of their own avarice. They had been warned of
the sterility of the country, and of the necessity of providing am
ply for the journey. When they came to lade the Indians, how
ever, who bore their burdens, their only thought was how to
convey the most treasure ; and they grudged even a slender sup-
* Herrera, decad. i. lib. x. cap. 4.
188
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
ply of provisions, as taking up the place of an equal weight of
gold. The consequences were soon felt. The Indians could
carry but small burdens, and at the same time assisted to consume
the scanty stock of food which formed part of their load. Scar
city and famine ensued, and relief was rarely to be procured, for
the villages on this elevated part of the mountains were scattered
and poor, and nearly destitute of provisions. They held no com
munication with each other ; each contenting itself with the scanty
produce of its own fields and forest. Some were entirely de
serted ; at other places, the inhabitants, forced from their retreats,
implored pardon, and declared they had hidden themselves through
shame, not having the means of properly entertaining such celes
tial visitors. They brought peace-offerings of gold, but no pro
visions. For once the Spaniards found that even their darling
gold could fail to cheer their drooping spirits. Their sufferings
from hunger became intense, and many of their Indian compan
ions sank down and perished by the way. At length they reached
a village where they were enabled to obtain supplies, and where
they remained thirty days, to recruit their wasted strength.
C H A P T E R X I V .
ENTERPRISE AGAINST TTJBANAMA, THE W A R L I K E CACIQUE OP
THE MOUNTAINS. RETURN TO DARIEN.
T H E Spaniards had now to pass through the territories of Tuba-
namà, the most potent and warlike cacique of the mountains.
This was the same chieftain of whom a formidable character had
been given by the young Indian prince, who first informed Vasco
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
189
Nunez of the southern sea. He had erroneously represented the
dominions of Tubanamà as lying beyond the mountains ; and,
while he dwelt upon the quantities of gold to be found in them,
had magnified the dangers of any attempt to pass their borders.
The name of this redoubtable cacique was in fact a terror through
out the country ; and when Vasco Nunez looked round upon his
handful of pale and emaciated followers, he doubted whether
even the superiority of their weapons, and their military skill,
would enable them to cope with Tubanamà and his armies in
open contest. He resolved, therefore, upon a perilous stratagem.
When he made it known to his men, every one pressed forward to
engage in it. Choosing seventy of the most vigorous, he ordered
the rest to maintain their post in the village.
As soon as night had fallen he departed secretly with his
chosen band, and made his way with such rapidity through the
forests and defiles of the mountains, that he arrived in the neigh
borhood of the residence of Tubanamà by the following evening,
though at the distance of two regular days' journey.
There waiting until midnight he assailed the village suddenly,
and captured the cacique and his whole family, in which were
eighty females. Tubanamà lost all presence of mind, and wept
bitterly. The Indian allies beholding their once dreaded enemy
thus fallen and captive, urged that he should be put to death, ac
cusing him of various crimes and cruelties. Vasco Nunez pre
tended to listen to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive
should be tied hand and foot, and given to the dogs. The
cacique approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the
pommel of his sword. " Who can pretend," said he, " to strive
with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man asunder
with a blow? Ever since thy fame has reached among these
190
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
mountains have I reverenced thy valor. Spare my life, and thou
shalt have all the gold I can procure."
Vasco Nuiiez, whose anger was assumed, was readily paci
fied. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave him armlets
and other jewels of gold to the value of three thousand crowns,
and sent messengers throughout his dominions ordering his sub
jects to aid in paying his ransom. The poor Indians, with their
accustomed loyalty, hastened in crowds, bringing their golden
ornaments, until in the course of three days they had produced an
amount equal to six thousand crowns. This done, Vasco Nuiiez
set the cacique at liberty, bestowing on him several European
trinkets, with which he considered himself richer than he had
been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, however,
the disclosure of the mines whence this treasure was procured.
He declared that it came from the territories of his neighbors,
where gold and pearls were to be found in abundance ; but that
his lands produced nothing of the kind. Vasco Nunez doubted
his sincerity, and secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his
dominions to be searched, where gold was found in such quanti
ties, that he determined, at a future time, to found two settlements
in the neighborhood.
On parting with Tubanamà, the cacique sent his son with the
Spaniards to learn their language and religion. It is said, also,
that the Spaniards carried off his eighty women ; but of this par
ticular fact Oviedo, who writes with the papers of Vasco Nunez
before him, says nothing. He affirms, generally, however, that
the Spaniards, throughout this expedition, were not scrupulous in
their dealings with the wives and daughters of the Indians ; and
adds, that in this their commander set them the example.*
* Oviedo, Hist. Gen., Part. II. cap. 4, M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
191
Having returned to the village where he had left the greater
part of his men, Vasco Nunez resumed his homeward march.
His people were feeble and exhausted, and several of them sick -,
so that some had to be carried and others led by the arms. He
himself was part of the time afflicted by a fever, and had to be
borne in a hammock on the shoulders of the Indians.
Proceeding thus slowly and toilfully, they at length arrived
on the northern sea-coast, at the territories of their ally, Comagre,
The old cacique was dead, and had been succeeded by his son, the
same intelligent youth who had first given information of the
southern sea and the kingdom of Peru. The young chief, who
had embraced Christianity, received them with great hospitality,
making them presents of gold. Vasco Nunez gave him trinkets
in return, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says
Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his naked
countrymen. After having reposed for a few days, Vasco Nunez
proceeded to Ponca, where he heard that a ship and caravel had
arrived at Darien from Hispaniola, with reinforcements and sup
plies. Hastening, therefore, to Coyba, the territories of his ally,
Careta, he embarked on the 18th of January, 1514, with twenty
of his men, in the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived
at Santa Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Darien, on the fol
lowing day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; and
when they heard the news of the great southern sea, and of his
returning from its shores laden with pearls and gold, there were
no bounds to their joy. He immediately dispatched the ship and
caravel to Coyba for the companions left behind, who brought
with them the remaining booty, consisting of gold and pearls,
mantles, hammocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great num
ber of captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apart
192
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, among
those who had been in the expedition, and those who had remained
at Darien. All were contented with their allotment, and elated
with the prospect of still greater gain from future enterprises.
Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of the
early discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in penetrating,
with a handful of men, far into the interior of a wild and moun
tainous country, peopled by warlike tribes ; his skill in managing
his band of rough adventurers, stimulating their valor, enforcing
their obedience, and attaching their affections, show him to have
possessed great qualities as a general. W e are told that he was
always foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared
the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, treating
them with frank affability ; watching, fighting, fasting, and labor
ing with them ; visiting and consoling such as were sick or infirm,
and dividing all his gains with fairness and liberality. He was
chargeable at times with acts of bloodshed and injustice, but it is
probable that these were often called for as measures of safety
and precaution ; he certainly offended less against humanity than
most of the early discoverers ; and the unbounded amity and
confidence reposed in him by the natives, when they became inti
mately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in favor of
his kind treatment of them.
The character of Vasco Nunez had, in fact, risen with his
circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and grandeur from
the discovery he had made, and the important charge it had
devolved upon him. He no longer felt himself a mere soldier of
fortune, at the head of a band of adventurers, but a great com
mander conducting an immortal enterprise. " Behold," says old
Peter Martyr, " Vasco Nunez de Balboa, at once transformed
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
1 9 3
from a rash royster to a politic and discreet captain :" and thus it
is that men are often made by their fortunes ; that is to say, their
latent qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by
events, and by the necessity of every exertion to cope with the
greatness of their destiny.
C H A P T E R X V .
T R A N S A C T I O N S I N S P A I N . P E D R A R I A S D A V I L A A P P O I N T E D T O
T H E C O M M A N D O F D A R I E N . T I D I N G S R E C E I V E D I N S P A I N
O F T H E D I S C O V E R Y O F T H E P A C I F I C O C E A N .
V A S C O N U N E Z D E B A L B O A now flattered himself that he had
made a discovery calculated to silence all his enemies at court, and
to elevate him to the highest favor with his sovereign. He wrote
letters to the king, giving a detail of his expedition, and setting
forth all that he had seen or heard of this Southern Sea, and of
the rich countries upon its borders. Beside the royal fifths of
the profits of the expedition, he prepared a present for the sove
reign, in the name of himself and his companions, consisting of
the largest and most precious pearls they had collected. A s a
trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose Pedro
de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had accompanied
him in his toils and dangers, and was well acquainted with all his
transactions.
The fate of Vasco Nunez furnishes a striking instance how
prosperity and adversity, how even life and death hang balanced
upon a point of time, and are affected by the improvement or
VOL. 111.
N
194
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
neglect of moments. Unfortunately the ship which was to con
vey the messenger to Spain lingered in port until the beginning
of March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the fortunes of
Vasco Nunez. It is necessary here to cast an eye back upon the
events which had taken place in Spain while he was employed in
his conquests and discoveries.
The Bachelor Enciso had arrived in Castile full of his wrongs
and indignities. He had friends at court, who aided him in gain
ing a ready hearing, and he lost not a moment in availing himself
of it. He declaimed eloquently upon the alleged usurpation of
Vasco Nunez, and represented him as governing the colony by
force and fraud. It was in vain that the alcalde Zamudio, the
ancient colleague and the envoy of Vasco Nunez, attempted to
speak in his defence ; he was unable to cope with the facts and
arguments of the Bachelor, who was a pleader by profession, and
now pleaded his own cause. The king determined to send a new
governor to Darien, with power to inquire into and remedy all
abuses. For this office he chose Don Pedro Arias Davila, com
monly called Pedrarias.* He was a native of Segovia, who had
been brought up in the royal household, and had distinguished
himself as a brave soldier, both in the war of Granada and at the
taking of Oran and Bugia in Africa. He possessed those per
sonal accomplishments which captivate the soldiery, and was
called el Golan, for his gallant array and courtly demeanor, and
el Jiistador, or the Tilter, for his dexterity in jousts and tourna
ments. These, it must be admitted, were not the qualifications
most adapted for the government of rude and factious colonies in
a wilderness ; but he had an all-powerful friend in the Bishop
* By the English historians he has generally been called Davila.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
195
Fonseca. The bishop was as thorough-going in patronage as in
persecution. He assured the king that Pedrarias had under
standing equal to his valor ; that he was as capable of managing
the affairs of peace as of war, and that, having been brought up
in the royal household, his loyalty might be implicitly relied on.
Scarcely had Don Pedrarias been appointed, when Cayzedo
and Colmenares arrived on their mission from Darien, to commu
nicate the intelligence received from the son of the cacique
Comagre, of the Southern Sea beyond the mountains, and to ask
one thousand men to enable Vasco Nunez to make the discovery.
The avarice and ambition of Ferdinand were inflamed by
the tidings. He rewarded the bearers of the intelligence, and,
after consulting with Bishop Fonseca, resolved to dispatch imme
diately a powerful armada, with twelve hundred men, under the
command of Pedrarias, to accomplish the enterprise.
Just about this time the famous Gonsalvo Hernandez de Cor
dova, commonly called the Great Captain, was preparing to return
to Naples, where the allies of Spain had experienced a signal
defeat, and had craved the assistance of this renowned general to
retrieve their fortunes. The chivalry of Spain thronged to enlist
under the banner of Gonsalvo. The Spanish nobles, with their
accustomed prodigality, sold or mortgaged their estates to buy
gorgeous armor, silks, brocades, and other articles of martial
pomp and luxury, that they might figure, with becoming magnifi
cence, in the campaigns of Italy. The armament was on the
point of sailing for Naples with this host of proud and gallant
spirits, when the jealous mind of Ferdinand took offence at the
enthusiasm thus shown towards his general, and he abruptly
countermanded the expedition. The Spanish cavaliers were
overwhelmed with disappointment at having their dreams of
N 2
196
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
glory thus suddenly dispelled ; when, as if to console them, the
enterprise of Pedrarias was set on foot, and opened a different
career of adventure. The very idea of an unknown sea and
splendid empire, where never European ship had sailed nor foot
had trodden, broke upon the imagination with the vague wonders
of an Arabian tale. Even the countries already known, in the
vicinity of the settlement of Darien, were described in the usual
terms of exaggeration. Gold was said to lie on the surface of
the ground, or to be gathered with nets out of the brooks and
rivers ; insomuch that the region hitherto called Terra Firma,
now received the pompous and delusive appellation of Castilla
del Oro, or Golden Castile.
Excited by these reports, many of the youthful cavaliers,
who had prepared for the Italian campaign, now offered them
selves as volunteers to Don Pedrarias. He accepted their servi
ces, and appointed Seville as the place of assemblage. The
streets of that ancient city soon swarmed with young and noble
eavaliers splendidly arrayed, full of spirits, and eager for the
sailing of the Indian armada. Pedrarias, on his arrival at Seville,
made a general review of his forces, and was embarrassed to
find that the number amounted to three thousand. He had been
limited in his first armament to twelve hundred ; on representing
the nature of the case, however, the number was extended to
fifteen hundred ; but through influence, entreaty, and stratagem,
upwards of two thousand eventually embarked.* Happy did he
think himself who could in any manner, and by any means, get
admitted on board of the squadron. Nor was this eagerness for
the enterprise confined merely to young and buoyant and ambi
tious adventurers ; we are told that there were many covetous
* Oviedo, lib. ii. cap. 7, M S .
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
197
old men, who offered to go at their own expense, without seeking
any pay from the king. Thus every eye was turned with desire
to this squadron of modern argonauts, as it lay anchored on the
bosom of the Guadalquiver.
The pay and appointments of Don Pedrarias Davila were on
the most liberal scale, and no expense was spared in fitting out
the armament : for the objects of the expedition were both coloni
zation and conquest. Artillery and powder were procured from
Malaga. Beside the usual weapons, such as muskets, cross-bows,
swords, pikes, lances, and Neapolitan targets, there was armor
devised of quilted cotton, as being light and better adapted to the
climate, and sufficiently proof against the weapons of the Indians ;
and wooden bucklers from the Canary islands, to ward off the
poisoned arrows of the Caribs.
Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordinance, elevated
into the metropolitan city of Golden Castile, and a Franciscan
friar, named Juan de Quevedo, was appointed as bishop, with
powers to decide in all cases of conscience. A number of friars
were nominated to accompany him, and he was provided with
the necessary furniture and vessels for a chapel.
Among the various regulations made for the good of the in
fant colony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be admitted
there, it having been found at Hispaniola and elsewhere, that they
were detrimental to the welfare of the settlements, by fomenting
disputes and litigations. The judicial affairs were to be entirely
confided to the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to officiate
as alcalde mayor or chief judge.
Don Pedrarias had intended to leave his wife in Spain. Her
name was Dona Isabella de Bobadilla ; she was niece to the
Marchioness de Moya, a great favorite of the late Queen Isabella,
198
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
who had been instrumental in persuading her royal mistress to
patronize Columbus.* Her niece partook of her high and gen
erous nature. She refused to remain behind in selfish security,
but declared that she would accompany her husband in every
peril, whether by sea or land. This self-devotion is the more
remarkable when it is considered that she was past the romantic
period of youth ; and that she left behind her in Spain, a family
of four sons and four daughters.
Don Pedrarias was instructed to use great indulgence towards
the people of Darien, who had been the followers of Nicuesa,
and to remit the royal tithe of all the gold they might have
collected previous to his arrival. Towards Vasco Nunez de Bal
boa alone the royal countenance was stern and severe. Pedrarias
was to depose him from his assumed authority, and to call him to
strict account before the alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, for
his treatment of the Bachelor Enciso.
The splendid fleet, consisting of fifteen sail, weighed anchor
at St. Lucar on the 12th of April, 1514, and swept proudly out
of the Guadalquiver, thronged with the chivalrous adventurers
for Golden Castile. But a short time had elapsed after its depar
ture, when Pedro Arbolancho arrived with the tardy missions of
Vasco Nunez. Had he arrived a few days sooner how different
might have been the fortune of his friend !
He was immediately admitted to the royal presence, where he
announced the adventurous and successful expedition of Vasco
Nuiiez, and laid before the king the pearls and golden ornaments
* This was the same Marchioness de Moya, who during the war of Gran
ada, while the court and royal army were encamped before Malaga, was mis
taken for the queen by a Moorish fanatic, and had nearly fallen beneath his
dagger.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
199
brought as the first fruits of the discovery. King Ferdinand
listened with charmed attention to this tale of unknown seas and
wealthy realms added to his empire. It filled, in fact, the imagi
nations of the most sage and learned with golden dreams, and
anticipations of unbounded riches. Old Peter Martyr, who re
ceived letters from his friends in Darien, and communicated by
word of mouth with those who came from thence, writes to Leo
the Tenth in exulting terms of this event. " Spain," says he,
" will hereafter be able to satisfy with pearls the greedy appetite
of such as in wanton pleasures are like unto Cleopatra and iEso-
pus ; so that henceforth we shall neither envy nor reverence the
nice fruitfulness of Trapoban or the Red Sea. The Spaniards
will not need hereafter to mine and dig far into the earth, nor to
cut asunder mountains in quest of gold, but will find it plentifully,
in a manner, on the upper crust of the earth, or in the sands of
rivers dried up by the heats of summer. Certainly the reverend
antiquity obtained not so great a benefit of nature, nor even
aspired to the knowledge thereof, since never man before, from
the known world, penetrated to these unknown regions."*
The tidings of this discovery made all Spain resound with the
praises of Vasco Nunez ; and, from being considered a lawless
and desperate adventurer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy
successor to Columbus. The king repented of the harshness of
his late measures towards him, and ordered the Bishop Fonseca
to devise some mode of rewarding his transcendent services.
* P. Martyr, decad. 3, chap. iii. Lok'a translation.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X V I .
ARRIVAL AND GRAND ENTRY OF DON PEDRARIAS D A V I L A
INTO DARIEN.
W H I L E honors and rewards were preparing in Europe for Vasco
Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by his fortunes
with redoubled zeal and loftier ambition, was exercising the pa
ternal forethought and discretion of a patriotic governor over the
country subjected to his rule. His most strenuous exertions were
directed to bring the neighborhood of Darien into such a state
of cultivation as might render the settlement independent of
Europe for supplies. The town was situated on the banks of a
river, and contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins.
Its population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans,
all men, and fifteen hundred Indians, male and female. Orchards
and gardens had been laid out, where European as well as native
fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and already gave promise of
future abundance. Vasco Nunez devised all kinds of means to
keep up the spirits of his people. On holidays they had their
favorite national sports and games, and particularly tilting
matches, of which chivalrous amusement the Spaniards in those
days were extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their
restless and roving habits by sending them in expeditions to
various parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its re
sources, and to strengthen his sway over the natives. He was
so successful in securing the amity or exciting the awe of the
Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly about the land in
perfect safety ; while his own followers were zealous in their de-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
201
votion to him, both from admiration of his past exploits and from
hopes of soon being led by him to new discoveries and conquests.
Peter Martyr, in his letter to Leo th» Tenth, speaks in high
terms of these " old soldiers of Darien," the remnants of those
well-tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda,
Nieuesa, and Vasco Nunez. " They were hardened," says he,
"to abide all sorrows, and were exceedingly tolerant of labor,
heat, hunger, and watching, insomuch that they merrily make
their boast that they have observed a longer and sharper Lent
than even your Holiness enjoined, since, for the space of four
years, their food has been herbs and fruits, with now and then
fish, and very seldom flesh."*
Such were the hardy and well-seasoned veterans that were
under the sway of Vasco Nunez ; and the colony gave signs of
rising in prosperity under his active and fostering management,
when, in the month of June, the fleet of Don Pedrarias Davila
arrived in the Gulf of Uraba.
The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the new governor
were eager to get on shore, and to behold the anticipated wonders
of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the resolute character of
Vasco Nunez, and the devotion of his followers, apprehended
some difficulty in getting possession of the colony. Anchoring,
therefore, about a league and a half from the settlement, he sent
a messenger on shore to announce his arrival. The envoy, hav
ing heard so much in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Vasco
Nunez and the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to
find a blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the go
vernment which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment
* P. Martyr, decad. 3, cap. iii. Lok's translation.
21)2
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
therefore to find this redoubtable hero a plain unassuming man,
clad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen sandals, directing
and aiding the labor of several Indians who were thatching a
cottage in which he resided.
The messenger approached him respectfully, and announced
the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of the country.
"Whatever Vasco Nunez may have felt at this intelligence, he
suppressed his emotions, and answered the messenger with great
discretion ; " Tell Don Pedrarias Davila," said he, " that he is
welcome, and I congratulate him on his safe arrival, and am
ready, with all who are here, to obey his orders."
The little community of rough and daring adventurers was in
an uproar when they found a new governor had arrived. Some
of the most zealous adherents of Vasco Nunez were disposed to
sally forth, sword in hand, and repel the intruder ; but they were
restrained by their more considerate chieftain, who prepared to
receive the new governor with all due submission.
Pedrarias disembarked on the thirtieth of June, accompanied
by his heroic wife, Dona Isabella ; who, according to old Peter
Martyr, had sustained the roarings and rages of the ocean with
no less stout courage than either her husband or the mariners who
had been brought up among the surges of the sea.
Pedrarias set out for the embryo city at the head of two
thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by the hand, and
on the other side of him was the bishop of Darien in his robes ;
while a brilliant train of youthful cavaliers, in glittering armor
and brocade, formed a kind of body-guard.
All this pomp and splendor formed a striking contrast with
the humble state of Vasco Nunez, who came forth unarmed, in
simple attire, accompanied by his counselors and a handful of the
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
203
" old soldiers of Darien," scarred and battered, and grown half
wild in Indian warfare, but without weapons, and in garments
much the worse for wear.
Vasco Nuiiez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila with profound
reverence, and promised him implicit obedience, both in his own
name and in the name of the community. Having entered the town
he conducted his distinguished guests to his straw-thatched habi
tation, where he had caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer
as his means afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and
cassava bread, with no other beverage than water from the river ;
—a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay
cavaliers, who had anticipated far other things from the usurper
of Golden Castile. Vasco Nunez, however, acquitted himself in
his humble wigwam with the courtesy and hospitality of a prince,
and showed that the dignity of an entertainment depends more
upon the giver than the feast. In the meantime a plentiful sup
ply of European provisions was landed from the fleet, and a tem
porary abundance was diffused through the colony.
C H A P T E R XVn.
PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF DON PEDRARIAS T O W A R D S VASCO
NUNEZ.
ON the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedrarias held a
private conference with Vasco Nunez in presence of the historian
Oviedo, who had come out from Spain as public notary of the
colony. The governor commenced by assuring him that he was
204
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
instructed by the king to treat him with great favor and distinc
tion, to consult him about the affairs of the colony, and to apply
to him for information relative to the surrounding country. At
the same time he professed the most amicable feelings on his own
part, and an intention to be guided by his counsels in all public
measures.
Vasco Nunez was of a frank confiding nature, and was so
captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, that he
threw off all caution and reserve, and opened his whole soul to
the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed himself of this communi
cative mood to draw from him a minute and able statement in
writing, detailing the circumstances of the colony, and the infor
mation collected respecting various parts of the country ; the
route by which he had traversed the mountains ; his discovery of
the South Sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl
Islands ; the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together
with the names and territories of the various caciques with whom
he had made treaties.
When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting soldier
of all the information necessary for his purposes, he dropped the
mask, and within a few days proclaimed a judicial scrutiny into
the conduct of Vasco Nunez and his officers. It was to be con
ducted by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who had come as
alcalde mayor, or chief judge. The Licentiate was an inexpe
rienced lawyer, having but recently left the university of Sala
manca. He appears to have been somewhat flexible in his opin
ions, and prone to be guided or governed by others. At the out
set of his career he was much under the influence of Quevedo,
the bishop of Darien. Now, as Vasco Nunez knew the impor
tance of this prelate in the colony, he had taken care to secure
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
205
him to his interests by paying him the most profound deference
and respect, and by giving him a share in his agricultural enter
prises and his schemes of traffic. In fact the good bishop looked
upon him as one eminently calculated to promote his temporal
prosperity, to which he was by no means insensible. Under the
influence of the prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his
investigation in the most favorable manner. He went largely
into an examination of the discoveries of Vasco Nunez, and of
the nature and extent of his various services. The governor was
alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. If thus
conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the merits and elevate
the reputation of the man whom it was his interest and intent to.
ruin. To counteract it he immediately set on foot a secret and
invidious course of interrogatories of the followers of Nicuesa and
Ojeda, to draw from them testimony which might support the
charge against Vasco Nunez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse
of power. The bishop and the alcalde received information of
the inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without their sanction.
They remonstrated warmly against it, as an infringement of their
rights, being coadjutors in the government; and they spurned the
testimony of the followers of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as dictated and
discolored by ancient enmity. Vasco Nunez was therefore acquit
ted by them of the criminal charges made against him, though he
remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought against him
by individuals, for losses and damages occasioned by his measures.
Predrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted upon
the guilt of Vasco Nuiiez, which he pretended to have established
to his conviction by his secret investigations ; and he even deter
mined to send him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death
of Nicuesa, and for other imputed offences.
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
It was not the inclination or the interest of the bishop that
Vasco Nunez should leave the colony ; he therefore managed to
awaken the jealous apprehensions of the governor as to the effect
of his proposed measure. He intimated that the arrival of Vasco
Nunez in Spain would be signalized by triumph rather than dis
grace. By that time his grand discoveries would be blazoned to
the world, and would atone for all his faults. He would be re
ceived with enthusiasm by the nation, with favor by the king, and
would probably be sent back to the colony clothed with new dig
nity and power.
Pedrarias was placed in a perplexing dilemma by these sug
gestions ; his violent proceedings against Vasco Nunez were also
in some measure restrained by the influence of his wife, Dona
Isabel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect and sympathy for
the discoverer. In his perplexity, the wily governor adopted a
middle course. He resolved to detain Vasco Nunez at Darien
under a cloud of imputation, which would gradually impair his
popularity ; while his patience and means would be silently con
sumed by protracted and expensive litigation. In the meantime,
however, the property which had been sequestrated was restored to
him.
While Pedrarias treated Vasco Nunez with this severity,
he failed not to avail himself of the plans of that able com
mander. The first of these was to establish a line of posts across
the mountains between Darien and the South Sea. It was his
eager desire to execute this before any order should arrive from
the king in favor of his predecessor, in order that he might have
the credit of having colonized the coast, and Vasco Nunez, merely
that of having discovered and visited it.* Before he could com-
* Oviedo, Hist. Ind., page 2, cap. 8.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
207
plete these arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell
upon the settlement, that for a time interrupted every project, and
made every one turn his thoughts merely to his own security.
C H A P T E R X V I I I .
CALAMITIES OF THE SPANISH CAVALIERS AT DARIEN.
T H E town of Darien was situated in a deep valley surrounded by
lofty hills, which, while they kept off the breezes so grateful in a
sultry climate, reflected and concentrated the rays of the sun, in
somuch, that at noontide the heat was insupportable ; the river
which passed it was shallow, with a muddy channel and bordered
by marshes ; overhanging forests added to the general humidity,
and the very soil on which the town was built was of such a
nature, that on digging to the depth of a foot there would ooze
forth brackish water.*
It is not matter of surprise that a situation of this kind, in a
tropical climate, should be fatal to the health of Europeans.
Many who had recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedra
rias himself fell sick and was removed, with most of his people,
to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the malady, however,
continued to increase. The provisions brought out in the ships
had been partly damaged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and
the people were put upon short allowance ; the debility thus pro
duced increased the ravages of disease ; at length the provisions
were exhausted and the horrors of absolute famine ensued.
* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 6.
208
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
Every one was more or less affected by these calamities ; even
the veterans of the colony quailed beneath them ; but to none
were they more fatal than to the crowd of youthful cavaliers who
had once glittered so gayly about the streets of Seville, and had
come out to the New "World elated with the most sanguine expec
tations. From the very moment of their landing they had been
disheartened at the savage scenes around them, and disgusted with
the squalid life they were doomed to lead. They shrunk with
disdain from the labors with which alone wealth was to be pro
cured in this land of gold and pearls, and were impatient of the
humble exertions necessary for the maintenance of existence.
As the famine increased, their case became desperate ; for they
were unable to help themselves, and their rank and dignity com
manded neither deference nor aid at a time when common misery
made every one selfish. Many of them, who had mortgaged
estates in Spain to fit themselves out sumptuously for their Italian
campaign, now perished for lack of food. Some would be seen
bartering a robe of crimson silk, or some garment of rich brocade,
for a pound of Indian bread or European biscuit ; others sought
to satisfy the cravings of hunger with the herbs and roots of the
field, and one of the principal cavaliers absolutely expired of
hunger in the public streets.
In this wretched way, and in the short space of one month,
perished seven hundred of the little army of youthful and buoy
ant spirits who had embarked with Pedrarias. The bodies of
some remained for a day or two without sepulture, their friends
not having sufficient strength to bury them. Unable to remedy
the evil, Pedrarias gave permission for his men to flee from it.
A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where
some of them joined the standard of Diego Velasquez, who was
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS. 209
colonizing that island ; others made their way back to Spain,
where they arrived broken in health, in spirits, and in fortune.
C H A P T E R X I X .
F R U I T L E S S E X P E D I T I O N O F P E D R A R I A S .
T H E departure of so many hungry mouths was some temporary
relief to the colony ; and Pedrarias, having recovered from his
malady, bestirred himself to send expeditions in various direc
tions for the purpose of foraging the country and collecting
treasure.
These expeditions, however, were intrusted to his own favor
ites and partisans ; while Vasco Nunez, the man most competent
to carry them into effect, remained idle and neglected. A judi
cial inquiry, tardily carried on, overshadowed him, and though it
substantiated nothing, served to embarrass his actions, to cool his
friends, and to give him the air of a public delinquent. Indeed
to the other evils of the colony was now added that of excessive
litigation, arising out of the disputes concerning the government
of Vasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that, ac
cording to the report of the alcalde Espinosa, if the lawsuits
should be divided among the people, at least forty would fall to
each man's share.* This too was in a colony into which the
government had commanded that no lawyer should be admitted !
Wearied and irritated by the check given to his favorite en
terprises, and confident of the ultimate approbation of the king,
* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 1.
VOL. m.
o
210
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
Vasco Nunez determined to take his fortunes in his own hands,
and to prosecute in secret his grand project of exploring the re
gions beyond the mountains. For this purpose, he privately dis
patched one Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and make
provisions for an expedition across the isthmus, from Nombre de
Dios, and for the founding a colony on the shores of the Southern
Ocean ; whence he proposed to extend his discoveries by sea
and land.
"While Vasco Nunez awaited the return of Garabito, he had
the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing plans pur
sued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other enterprises the
governor dispatched his lieutenant-general Juan de Ayora, at the
head of four hundred men, to visit the provinces of those caciques
with whom Vasco Nunez had sojourned and made treaties on his
expedition to the Southern Sea. Ayora partook of the rash and
domineering spirit of Pedrarias, and harassed and devastated the
countries which he pretended to explore. He was received with
amity and confidence by various caciques who had formed treaties
with Vasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality with the
basest ingratitude, seizing upon their property, taking from them
their wives and daughters, and often torturing them to make them
reveal their hidden or supposed treasures. Among those treated
with this perfidy, we grieve to enumerate the youthful cacique
who first gave Vasco Nunez information of the sea beyond the
mountains.
The enormities of Ayora and of other captains of Pedrarias
produced the usual effect ; the natives were roused to desperate
resistance ; caciques, who had been faithful friends, were con
verted into furious enemies, and the expedition ended in disap
pointment and disaster.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
2 1 1
The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast these
disastrous enterprises with those which had been conducted with
so much glory and advantage by their favorite commander ; and
their sneers and reproaches had such an effect upon the jealous
and irritable disposition of Pedrarias, that he determined to em
ploy their idol in a service likely to be attended with defeat and
to impair his popularity. None seemed more fitting for the pur
pose than an expedition to Dobayba, where he had once already
attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many of his fol
lowers had fallen victims to the stratagems and assaults of the
natives.
C H A P T E R X X .
S E C O N D E X P E D I T I O N O F V A S C O N U N E Z I N Q U E S T O F T H E
G O L D T E M P L E O F D O B A Y B A .
T H E rich mines of Dobayba, and the treasures of its golden tem
ple, had continued a favorite theme with the Spanish adventurers.
It was ascertained that Vasco Nunez had stopped short of the
wealthy region on his former expedition, and had mistaken a
frontier village for the residence of the cacique. The enterprise
of the temple was, therefore, still to be achieved ; and it was so
licited by several of the cavaliera in the train of Pedrarias, with
all the chivalrous ardor of that romantic age. Indeed common
report had invested the enterprise with difficulties and danger
sufficient to stimulate the ambition of the keenest seeker of ad
venture. The savages who inhabited that part of the country
were courageous and adroit. They fought by water as well as by
o 2
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V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
land, forming ambuscades with their canoes in the bays and
rivers. The country was intersected by dreary fens and morasses,
infested by all kinds of reptiles. Clouds of gnats and musqui-
toes filled the air ; there were large bats also, supposed to have
the baneful properties of the vampire ; alligators lurked in the
waters, and the gloomy recesses of the fens were said to be the
dens of dragons !*
Beside these objects of terror, both true and fabulous, the
old historian, Peter Martyr, makes mention of another monstrous
animal, said to infest this golden region, and which deserves to be
cited, as showing the imaginary dangers with which the active
minds of the discoverers peopled the unexplored wilderness around
them.
According to the tales of the Indians, there had occurred,
shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards, a violent tempest or
rather hurricane in the neighborhood of Dobayba, which de
molished houses, tore up trees by the roots, and laid waste whole
forests. When the tempest had subsided and the affrighted in
habitants ventured to look abroad, they found that two monstrous
animals had been brought into the country by the hurricane.
According to their accounts they were not unlike the ancient
harpies, and one being smaller than the other was supposed to
be its young. They had the faces of women, with the claws and
wings of eagles, and were of such prodigious size that the very
boughs of the trees on which they alighted broke beneath them.
They would swoop down and carry off a man as a hawk would
bear off a chicken, flying with him to the tops of the mountains,
where they would tear him in pieces and devour him. For some
time they were the scourge and terror of the land, until the In-
* P. Martyr.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
213
dians succeeded in killing the old one by stratagem, and hanging
her on their long spears, bore her through all the towns to assuage
the alarm of the inhabitants. The younger harpy, says the In
dian tradition, was never seen afterwards.*
Such were some of the perils, true and fabulous, with which
the land of Dobayba was said to abound ; and, in fact, the very
Indians had such a dread of its dark and dismal morasses, that,
in their journeyings they carefully avoided them, preferring the
circuitous and rugged paths of the mountains.
Several of the youthful cavaliers, as has been observed, were
stimulated rather than deterred by these dangers, and contended
for the honor of the expedition ; but Pedrarias selected his rival
for the task, hoping, as has been hinted, that it would involve
him in disgrace. Vasco Nunez promptly accepted the enterprise,
for his pride was concerned in its success. Two hundred resolute
men were given to him for the purpose ; but his satisfaction was
diminished when he found that Luis Carillo, an officer of Pe
drarias, who had failed in a perilous enterprise, was associated
with him in the command.
Few particulars remain to us of the events of this affair.
They embarked in a fleet of canoes, and, traversing the gulf,
arrived at the river which flowed down from the region of Do
bayba. They were not destined, however, to achieve the enter
prise of the golden temple. As they were proceeding rather
confidently and unguardedly up the river, they were surprised
and surrounded by a swarm of canoes, filled with armed savages,
which darted out from lurking places along the shores. Some of
the Indians assailed them with lances, others with clouds of ar
rows, while some, plunging into the water, endeavored to overturn
* P. Martyr, decad. vii. cap. 10.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
their canoes. In this way one-half of the Spaniards were killed
or drowned. Among the number fell Luis Carillo, pierced through
the breast by an Indian lance. Vasco Nunez himself was wound
ed, and had great difficulty in escaping to the shore with the res
idue of his forces.
The Indians pursued him and kept up a skirmishing attack,
but he beat them off until the night, when he silently aban
doned the shore of the river, and directed his retreat towards
Darien. It is easier to imagine than to describe the toils and
dangers and horrors which beset him and the remnant of his
men as they traversed rugged mountains, or struggled through
the fearful morasses of which they had heard such terrific tales.
At length they succeeded in reaching the settlement of Darien.
The partisans of Pedrarias exulted in seeing Vasco Nunez
return thus foiled and wounded, and taunted his adherents with
their previous boastings. The latter, however, laid all the blame
upon the unfortunate Carillo. " Vasco Nunez," said they, " had
always absolute command in his former enterprises, but in this
he has been embarrassed by an associate. Had the expedition
been confided to him alone, the event had been far different."
C H A P T E R X X I .
LETTERS FROM THE KING IN F A V O R OF VASCO NUNEZ.
ARRIVAL OF GARABITO. ARREST OF VASCO NUNEZ.
[1515.]
ABOUT this time dispatches arrived from Spain which promised
to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nunez and to the
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
215
general affairs of the colony. They were written after the tidings
of the discovery of the South Sea, and the subjugation of so
many important provinces of the Isthmus. In a letter addressed
to Vasco Nunez, the king expressed his high sense of his merits
and services, and constituted him Adelantado of the South Sea,
and Governor of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though
subordinate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was
likewise written by the king to Pedrarias, informing him of this
appointment, and ordering him to consult Vasco Nunez on all
public affairs of importance. This was a humiliating blow to
the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, but he hoped to parry it.
In the meantime, as all letters from Spain were first delivered
into his hands, he withheld that intended for Vasco Nunez, until
he should determine what course of conduct to adopt. The latter,
however, heard of the circumstance, as did his friend the Bishop
of Darien. The prelate made loud complaints of this interrup
tion of the royal correspondence, which he denounced, even from
the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, and an
act of disobedience to the sovereign.
Upon this the governor called a council of his public officers ;
and, after imparting the contents of his letter, requested their
opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco Nunez with the
dignities thus granted to him. The alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had
left the party of the bishop, and was now devoted to the governor.
He insisted, vehemently, that the offices ought in no wise to be
given to Vasco Nunez, until the king should be informed of the
result of the inquest still going on against him. In this he was
warmly supported by the treasurer and the accountant. The
bishop replied, indignantly, that it was presumptuous and disloyal
in them to dispute the commands of the king, and to interfere
216
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
with the rewards conscientiously given by him to a meritorious
subject. In this way, he added, they were defeating, by their
passions, the grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor
was overawed by the honest warmth of the bishop, and professed
to accord with him in opinion. The council lasted until midnight ;
and it was finally agreed that the titles and dignities should be
conferred on Vasco Nunez on the following day.*
Pedrarias and his officers reflected, however, that if the juris
diction implied by these titles were absolutely vested in Vasco
Nunez, the government of Darien and Castilla del Oro would
virtually be reduced to a trifling matter ; they resolved, therefore,
to adopt a middle course ; to grant him the empty titles, but to
make him give security not to enter upon the actual government
of the territories in question, until Pedrarias should give him
permission. The bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this
arrangement ; satisfied, for the present, with securing the titles,
and trusting to the course of events to get dominion over the ter-
ritories.t
The new honors of Vasco Nunez were now promulgated to
the world, and he was every where addressed by the title of Ade-
lantado. His old friends lifted up their heads with exultation,
and new adherents flocked to his standard. Parties began to
form for him and for Pedrarias ; for it was deemed impossible
they could continue long in harmony.
The jealousy of the governor was excited by these circum
stances ; and he regarded the newly-created Adelantado as a
* Oviedo, part ii. cap. 9, M S . Oviedo, the historian, was present at this
consultation, and says that he wrote down the opinions given on the occasion,
which the parties signed with their proper hands.
t Idem.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
2 1 7
dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Just at this critical junc
ture, Andres Garabito, the agent of Vasco Nunez, arrived on the
coast in a vessel which he had procured at Cuba, and freighted
with arms and ammunition, and seventy resolute men, for the
secret expedition to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. He
anchored six leagues from the harbor, and sent word privately to
Vasco Nunez of his arrival.
Information was immediately carried to Pedrarias, that a
mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on the coast,
and holding secret communication with his rival. The suspicious
temper of the governor immediately took the alarm. He fancied
some treasonable plot against his authority ; his passions mingled
with his fears ; and, in the first burst of his fury, he ordered that
Vasco Nuiiez should be seized and confined in a wooden cage.
The Bishop of Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity
which it might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed
upon the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order
respecting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with cool
ness and deliberation. The result proved that his suspicions had
been erroneous ; and that the armament had been set on foot
without any treasonable intent. Vasco Nuiiez was therefore set
at liberty, after having agreed to certain precautionary conditions ;
but he remained cast down in spirit and impoverished in fortune,
by the harassing measures of Pedrarias.
218
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X X H .
EXPEDITION OP MORALES AND PIZARRO TO THE SHORES OP
THE PACIFIC OCEAN. THEIR VISIT TO THE PEARL ISLANDS.
THEIR DISASTROUS RETURN ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS.
T H E Bishop of Darien, encouraged by the success of his inter
cession, endeavored to persuade the governor to permit the
departure of Vasco Nunez on his expedition to the South Sea.
The jealousy of Pedrarias, however, was too strong to allow him
to listen to such counsel. He was aware of the importance of
the expedition, and was anxious that the Pearl Islands should be
explored, which promised such abundant treasures ; but he feared
to increase the popularity of Vasco Nunez, by adding such an
enterprise to the number of his achievements. Pedrarias, there
fore, set on foot an expedition, consisting of sixty men, but gave
the command to one of his own relations, named Gaspar Morales.
The latter was accompanied by Francisco Pizarro, who had
already been to those parts in the train of Vasco Nunez, and who
soon rose to importance in the present enterprise by his fierce
courage and domineering genius.
A brief notice of the principal incidents of this expedition is
all that is necessary for the present narration.
Morales and Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus
by a shorter and more expeditious route than that which had
been taken by Vasco Nunez, and arrived on the shores of the
South Sea at the territories of a cacique named Tutibrà, by
whom they were amicably entertained. Their great object was
to visit the Pearl Islands : the cacique, however, had but four
canoes, which were insufficient to contain their whole party. One
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
219
half of their number, therefore, remained at the village of Tuti-
brà, under the command of a captain named Penalosa ; the resi
due embarked in the canoes with Morales and Pizarro. After a
stormy and perilous voyage, they landed on one of the smaller
islands, where they had some skirmishing with the natives, and
thence made their way to the principal island of the archipelago,
to which, from the report of its great pearl fishery, Vasco Nunez
had given the name of Isla Rica.
The cacique of this island had long been the terror of the
neighboring coasts, invading the main-land with fleets of canoes,
and carrying the inhabitants into captivity. His reception of the
Spaniards was worthy of his fame. Four times did he sally forth
to defend his territory, and as often was he repulsed with great
slaughter. His warriors were overwhelmed with terror at the fire
arms of the Spaniards, and at their ferocious bloodhounds. Find
ing all resistance unavailing, the cacique was at length compelled
to sue for peace. His prayers being granted, he received the
conquerors into his habitation, which was well built and of im
mense size. Here he brought them as a peace-offering a basket
curiously wrought, and filled with pearls of great beauty. Among
these were two of extraordinary size and value. One weighed
twenty-five carats ; the other was of the size of a Muscadine
pear, weighing upwards of three drachms, and of oriental color
and lustre. The cacique considered himself more than repaid by
a present of hatchets, beads, and hawks'-bells : and, on the Span
iards smiling at his joy, observed, " These things I can turn to
useful purpose, but of what value are those pearls to me ?"
Finding, however, that these baubles were precious in the
eyes of the Spaniards, he took Morales and Pizarro to the sum
mit of a wooden tower, commanding an unbounded prospect.
220
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
" Behold before you," said he, " the infinite sea, which extends
even beyond the sunbeams. As to these islands which lie to the
right and left, they are all subject to my sway. They possess but
little gold, but the deep places of the sea around them are full of
pearls. Continue to be my friends, and you shall have as many
as you desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and,
as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it."
He then pointed to the main-land, where it stretched away
towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until the summit of
the last faded in the distance, and was scarcely seen above the
watery horizon. In that direction, he said, there lay a vast coun
try of inexhaustible riches, inhabited by a mighty nation. He
went on to repeat the vague but wonderful rumors which the
Spaniards had frequently heard about the great kingdom of Peru.
Pizarro listened greedily to his words, and while his eye followed
the finger of the cacique, as it ranged along the Une of shadowy
coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of seeking this
golden empire beyond the waters.*
Before leaving the island, the two captains impressed the
cacique with so great an idea of the power of the King of Cas
tile, that he agreed to become his vassal, and to render him an
annual tribute of one hundred pounds' weight of pearls.
The party having returned in safety to the main-land, though
to a different place from that where they had embarked, Gaspar
Morales sent his relation, Bernardo Morales, with ten men in
quest of Penalosa and his companions, who had remained in the
village of Tutibrà.
Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the absence of the
* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 4. Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 10.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
221
commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the natives by his
misconduct, that a conspiracy had been formed by the caciques
along the coast to massacre the whole of the strangers, when the
party should return from the islands.
Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in quest
of Penalosa, put up for the night in the village of a cacique
named Chuchama, who was one of the conspirators. They were
entertained with pretended hospitality. In the dead of the night,
however, the house in which they were sleeping was wrapped in
flames, and most of them were destroyed. Chuchama then pre
pared with his confederates to attack the main body of the Span
iards who remained with Morales and Pizarro.
Fortunately for the latter, there was among the Indians who
had accompanied them to the islands a cacique named Chirucà,
who was in secret correspondence with the conspirators. Some
circumstances in his conduct excited their suspicions ; they put him
to the torture, and drew from him a relation of the massacre of
their companions, and of the attack with which they were menaced.
Morales and Pizarro were at first appalled by the overwhelm
ing danger which surrounded them. Concealing their agitation,
however, they compelled Chirucà to send a message to each of
the confederate caciques, inviting him to a secret conference, un
der pretence of giving him important information. The caciques
came at the summons : they were thus taken one by one to the
number of eighteen, and put in chains. Just at this juncture
Penalosa arrived with the thirty men who had remained with him
at Tutibrà. Their arrival was hailed with joy by their comrades,
who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by this unexpected
reinforcement, the Spaniards now attacked by surprise the main
body of confederate Indians, who, being ignorant of the discovery
222
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S O F
of their plot and capture of their caciques, were awaiting the
return of the latter in a state of negligent security.
Pizarro led the van, and set upon the enemy at daybreak
with the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was a slaughter
rather than a battle, for the Indians were unprepared for resist-
ance. Before sunrise seven hundred lay dead upon the field.
Beturning from the massacre, the commanders doomed the caciques
who were in chains to be torn in pieces by the bloodhounds ; nor
was even Chirucà spared from this sanguinary sentence. Not-
withstanding this bloody revenge, the vindictive spirit of the com-
manders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the vil-
lage of a cacique named Birù, who dwelt on the eastern side of
the Gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valor and for
cruelty : his dwelling was surrounded by the weapons and other
trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; and he was said
never to give quarter.
The Spaniards assailed his village before daybreak with fire
and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Birù escaped from his
burning habitation, rallied his people, kept up a galling fight
throughout the greater part of that day, and handled the Span-
iards so roughly, that, when he drew off at night, they did not
venture to pursue him, but returned right gladly from his terri-
tory. According to some of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of
Peru derived its name from this warlike cacique, through a blun-
der of the early discoverers ; the assertion, however, is believed
to be erroneous.
The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an ex-
treme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. In the
fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they were but a
handful of men surrounded by savage nations. Returning wearied
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
223
and disheartened from the battle with Birù, they were waylaid
and assaulted by a host of indians led on by the son of Chirucà.
A javelin from his hand pierced one of the Spaniards through
the breast, and came out between the shoulders ; several others
were wounded, and the remainder were harassed by a galling
fire kept up from among rocks and bushes.
Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had aroused, the
Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile shores and make the
best of their way back to Darien. The Indians, however, were
not to be appeased by the mere departure of the intruders. They
followed them perseveringly for seven days, hanging on their
skirts, and harassing them by continual alarms. Morales and
Pizarro, seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavored to gain
a march upon them by stratagem. Making large fires as usual
one night about the place of their encampment, they left them
burning to deceive the enemy while they made a rapid retreat.
Among their number was one poor fellow named Velasquez, who
was so grievously wounded that he could not walk. Unable to
accompany his countrymen in their flight, and dreading to fall
into the merciless hands of the savages, he determined to hang
himself, nor could the prayers and even tears of his comrades
dissuade him from his purpose.
The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was unavailing.
Their retreat was perceived, and at daybreak, to their dismay,
they found themselves surrounded by three squadrons of savages.
Unable, in their haggard state, to make head against so many
foes, they remained drawn up all day on the defensive, some
watching while others reposed. A t night they lit their fires and
again attempted to make a secret retreat. The Indians, however,
were as usual on their traces, and wounded several with arrows.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Thus pressed and goaded, the Spaniards became desperate, and
fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of the enemy.
Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruitless expedient
to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian prisoners to be
slain, hoping that their friends would stop to lament over them ;
but the sight of their mangled bodies only increased the fury of
the savages and the obstinacy of their pursuit.
For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this manner
about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, wandering
they knew not whither, and returning upon their steps, until, to
their dismay, they found themselves in the very place where,
several days previously, they had been surrounded by the three
squadrons.
Many now despaired of ever escaping with life from this
trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly foes. It was with
difficulty their commanders could rally their spirits, and encourage
them to persevere. Entering a thick forest, they were again
assailed by a band of Indians, but despair and fury gave them
strength : they fought like wild beasts rather than like men, and
routed the foe with dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a
breathing time by this victory, but a new distress attended them.
They got entangled in one of those deep and dismal marshes
which abound on those coasts, and in which the wanderer is often
drowned or suffocated. For a whole day they toiled through
brake and bramble, and miry fen, with the water reaching to
their girdles. At length they extricated themselves from the
swamp, and arrived at the sea-shore. The tide was out, but was
about to return, and on this coast it rises rapidly to a great height.
Fearing to be overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to
climb a rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
225
threw themselves on the earth panting with fatigue and abandoned
to despair. A savage wilderness, filled with still more savage
foes, was on one side, on the other the roaring sea. How were
they to extricate themselves from these surrounding perils ?
While reflecting on their desperate situation, they heard the
voices of Indians. On looking cautiously round, they beheld four
canoes entering a neighboring creek. A party was immediately
dispatched who came upon the savages by surprise, drove them
into the woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks
the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighborhood, and,
traversing the Gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less hostile part,
whence they set out a second time across the mountains.
It is needless to recount the other hardships they endured,
and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suffice it to say, after
a series of almost incredible sufferings and disasters, they at
length arrived in a battered and emaciated condition at Darien.
Throughout all their toils and troubles, however, they had man
aged to preserve a part of the treasure gained in the islands ;
especially the pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Rica.
These were objects of universal admiration. One of them was
put up at auction, and bought by Pedrarias, and was afterwards
presented by his wife Dona Isabella de Bobadilla to the empress,
who, in return, gave her four thousand ducats.*
Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight of these
pearls and the reputed wealth of the islands of the Southern Sea,
and the kingdoms on its borders, made far greater impression on
the public mind, than the tale told by the adventurers of the hor
rors they had past ; and every one was eager to seek these wealthy
regions beyond the mountains.
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 4.
V O L . in.
T
226
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X X I I I .
UNFORTUNATE ENTERPRISES OF THE OFFICERS OF PEDRARIAS.
MATRIMONIAL COMPACT BETWEEN THE GOVERNOR AND
VASCO NUNEZ.
IN narrating the preceding expedition of Morales and Pizarro,
we have been tempted into what may almost be deemed an epi
sode, though it serves to place in a proper light the lurking diffi
culties and dangers which beset the expeditions of Vasco Nunez
to the same regions, and his superior prudence and management
in avoiding them. It is not the object of this narrative, however,
to record the general events of the colony under the administra
tion of Don Pedrarias Davila. W e refrain, therefore, from de
tailing various expeditions set on foot by him to explore and
subjugate the surrounding country ; and which, being ignorantly
or rashly conducted, too often ended in misfortune and disgrace.
One of these was to the province of Zenu, where gold was sup
posed to be taken in the rivers in nets ; and where the Bachelor
Enciso once undertook to invade the sepulchres. A captain,
named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into this country at the
head of one hundred and eighty men, well armed and equipped,
and provided with three pieces of artillery; but neither the
commander nor any of his men returned. An Indian boy who
accompanied them was the only one who escaped, and told the
dismal tale of their having fallen victims to the assaults and strat
agems and poisoned arrows of the Indians.
Another band was defeated by Tubanamà, the ferocious ca
cique of the mountains, who bore as his banners the bloody
shirts of Spaniards slain in former battles. In fine, the colony
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
227
became so weakened by these repeated losses, and the savages so
emboldened by success, that the latter beleaguered it with their
forces, harassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it to
great extremity. Such was the alarm in Darien, says the Bishop
Las Casas, that the people feared to be burnt in their houses.
They kept a watchful eye upon the mountains, the plains, and
the very branches of the trees. Their imaginations were in
fected by their fears. If they looked towards the land, the long
waving grass of the Savannas appeared to them to be moving
hosts of Indians. If they looked towards the sea, they fancied
they beheld fleets of canoes in the distance. Pedrarias endea
vored to prevent all rumors from abroad that might increase this
fevered state of alarm ; at the same time he ordered the smelt-
ing-house to be closed, which was never done but in time of war.
This was done at the suggestion of the bishop, who caused
prayers to be put up, and fasts proclaimed, to avert the impend
ing calamities.
"While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these com
plicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehensions of the
ultimate ascendency of Vasco Nunez. He knew him to be be
loved by the people, and befriended by the bishop ; and he had
received proofs that his services were highly appreciated by the
king. He knew also that representations had been sent home by
him and his partisans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under
the present rule, and of the necessity of a more active and effi
cient governor. He dreaded lest these representations should
ultimately succeed ; that he should be undermined in the royal
favor, and Vasco Nunez be elevated upon his ruins.
The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the gover
nor's mind, and endeavored, by means of his apprehensions, to
p 2
228
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
effect that reconciliation which he had sought in vain to produce
through more generous motives. He represented to him that his
treatment of Vasco Nunez was odious in the eyes of the people,
and must eventually draw on him the displeasure of his sovereign.
" But why persist," added he, " in driving a man to become your
deadliest enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your
firmest friend ? You have several daughters—give him one in
marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of merit
and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a favorite of the
king. You are advanced in life and infirm ; he is in the prime
and vigor of his days, and possessed of great activity. You can
make him your lieutenant ; and while you repose from your toils,
he can carry on the affairs of the colony with spirit and enter
prise ; and all his achievements will redound to the advancement
of your family and the splendor of your administration."
The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence of the
bishop, and readily listened to his suggestion ; and Vasco Nunez
was but too happy to effect a reconciliation on such flattering
terms. Written articles were accordingly drawn up and ex
changed, contracting a marriage between him and the eldest
daughter of Pedrarias. The young lady was then in Spain, but
was to be sent for, and the nuptials were to be celebrated on her
arrival at Darien.
Having thus fulfilled his office of peace-maker, and settled, as
he supposed, all feuds and jealousies on the sure and permanent
foundation of family alliance, the worthy bishop departed shortly
afterwards for Spain.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
229
C H A P T E R X X I V .
VASCO NUNEZ TRANSPORTS SHIPS ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS TO
THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
[1516.]
BEHOLD Vasco Nufiez once more in the high career of prosper
ity ! His most implacable enemy had suddenly been converted
into his dearest friend ; for the governor, now that he looked
upon him as his son-in-law, loaded him with favors. Above all,
he authorized him to build brigantines and make all the necessary
preparations for his long desired expedition to explore the South
ern Ocean. The place appointed for these purposes was the port
of Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; whence there was
supposed to be the most convenient route across the mountains.
A town called Acla had been founded at this port ; and the for
tress was already erected, of which Lope de Olano was alcalde ;
Vasco Nunez was now empowered to continue the building of the
town. Two hundred men were placed under his command, to
aid him in carrying his plans into execution, and a sum of money
was advanced to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of
funds, however, was not sufficient; but he received assistance
from a private source. There was a notary at Darien, Hernando
de Arguello, a man of some consequence in the community, and
who had been one of the most furious opponents of the unfortu
nate Nicuesa. He had amassed considerable property, and now
embarked a great part of it in the proposed enterprise, on condi
tion, no doubt, of sharing largely in its anticipated profits.
On arriving at Acla, Vasco Nunez set to work to prepare the
230
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S O F
materials of four brigantines to be launched into the South Sea.
The timber was felled on the Atlantic seaboard ; and was then,
with the anchors and rigging, transported across the lofty ridge
of mountains to the opposite shores of the Isthmus. Several
Spaniards, thirty Negroes, and a great number of Indians were
employed for the purpose. They had no other roads but Indian
paths, straggling through almost impervious forests, across tor
rents, and up rugged defiles, broken by rocks and precipices. In
this way they toiled like ants up the mountains, with their pon
derous burthens, under the scorching rays of a tropical sun.
Many of the poor Indians sank by the way and perished under
this stupendous task. The Spaniards and Negroes, being of
hardier constitutions, were better able to cope with the incredible
hardships to which they were subjected. On the summit of the
mountains a house had been provided for their temporary repose.
After remaining here a little time to refresh themselves and gain
new strength, they renewed their labors, descending the opposite
side of the mountains until they reached the navigable part of a
river, which they called the Balsas, and which flowed into the
Pacific.
Much time and trouble, and many lives were expended on
this arduous undertaking, before they had transported to the river
sufficient timber for two brigantines ; while the timber for the other
two, and the rigging and munitions for the whole, yet remained to
be brought. To add to their difficulties, they had scarcely begun
to work upon the timber before they discovered that it was totally
useless, being subject to the ravages of the worms from having
been cut in the vicinity of salt water. They were obliged, there
fore, to begin anew, and fell trees on the border of the river.
Vasco Nunez maintained his patience and perseverance, and
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
231
displayed admirable management under these delays and difficul
ties. Their supply of food being scanty, he divided his people,
Spaniards, Negroes, and Indians, into three bands ; one was to
cut and saw the wood, another to bring the rigging and iron-work
from Acla, which was twenty-two leagues distant ; and the third
to forage the neighboring country for provisions.
Scarcely was the timber felled and shaped for use when the
rains set in, and the river swelled and overflowed its banks so
suddenly, that the workmen barely escaped with their lives, by
clambering into trees ; while the wood on which they had been
working was either buried in sand or slime, or swept away by the
raging torrent. Famine was soon added to their other distresses.
The foraging party did not return with food ; and the swelling of
the river cut them off from that part of the country whence they
obtained their supplies. They were reduced, therefore, to such
scarcity, as to be fain to assuage their hunger with roots gathered
in the forests.
In this extremity the Indians bethought themselves of one of
their rude and simple expedients. Plunging into the river they
fastened a number of logs together with withes, and connected
them with the opposite bank, so as to make a floating bridge. On
this a party of the Spaniards crossed with great difficulty and
peril, from the violence of the current, and the flexibility of the
bridge, which often sank beneath them until the water rose above
their girdles. On being safely landed they foraged the neighbor
hood, and procured a supply of provisions sufficient for the present
emergency.
When the river subsided the workmen again resumed their
labors ; a number of recruits arrived from Acla, bringing various
supplies, and the business of the enterprise was pressed with re-
232
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
doubled ardor, until, after a series of incredible toils and hard
ships, Vasco Nunez had the satisfaction to behold two of his
brigantines floating on the river Balsas. As soon as they could
be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as many Span
iards as they could carry ; and, issuing from the river, launched
triumphantly on the great ocean he had discovered.
W e can readily imagine the exultation of this intrepid adven
turer, and how amply he was repaid for all his sufferings, when
he first spread a sail on that untraversed ocean, and felt that the
range of an unknown world was open to him.
There are points in the history of these Spanish discoveries
of the western hemisphere, which make us pause with wonder
and admiration at the daring spirit of the men who conducted
them, and the appalling difficulties surmounted by their courage
and perseverance. W e know few instances, however, more
striking than this piecemeal transportation, across the mountains
of Darien, of the first European ships that ploughed the waves
of the Pacific ; and we can readily excuse the boast of the old
Castilian writers, when they exclaim, " that none but Spaniards
could ever have conceived or persisted in such an undertaking ;
and no commander in the New World but Vasco Nunez could
have conducted it to a successful issue."*
* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 11.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
233
C H A P T E R X X V .
CRUISE OP VASCO NUNEZ IN THE SOUTHERN SEA. RUMORS
FROM A C L A .
T H E first cruise of Vasco Nuiiez was to the group of Pearl
Islands, on the principal one of which he disembarked the greater
part of his crews, and dispatched the brigantines to the main-land
to bring off the remainder. It was his intention to construct the
other two vessels of his proposed squadron at this island. During
the absence of the brigantines he ranged the island with his men,
to collect provisions, and to establish a complete sway over the
natives. On the return of his vessels, and while preparations
were making for the building of the others, he embarked with a
hundred men, and departed on a reconnoitering cruise to the east
ward, towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abounding
in riches.
Having passed about twenty leagues beyond the Gulf of San
Miguel, the mariners were alarmed at beholding a great number
of whales, which resembled a reef of rocks stretching far into
the sea, and lashed by breakers. In an unknown ocean like this
every unusual object is apt to inspire alarm. The seamen feared
to approach these fancied dangers in the dark ; Vasco Nunez an
chored, therefore, for the night, under a point of land, intending
to continue in the same direction on the following day. When
the morning dawned, however, the wind had changed, and was
contrary ; whereupon he altered his course, and thus abandoned
a cruise, which, if persevered in, might have terminated in tjje
discovery of Peru ! Steering for the main-land, he anchored on
that part of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, who
234
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
had massacred Bernardo Morales and his companions, when
reposing in his village. Here landing with his men, Vasco Nunez
came suddenly upon the dwelling of the cacique. The Indians
sallied forth to defend their homes, but were routed with great
loss ; and ample vengeance was taken upon them for their out
rage upon the laws of hospitality. Having thus avenged the
death of his countrymen, Vasco Nunez re-embarked and returned
to Isla Rica.
He now applied himself diligently to complete the building
of his brigantines, dispatching men to Acla to bring the necessary
stores and rigging across the mountains. While thus occupied, a
rumor reached him that a new governor named Lope de Sosa
was coming out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Vasco
Nunez was troubled at these tidings. A new governor would be
likely to adopt new measures, or to have new favorites. He
feared, therefore, that some order might come to suspend or em
barrass his expedition ; or that the command of it might be given
to another. In this perplexity he held a consultation with several
of his confidential officers.
After some debate, it was agreed among them that a trusty
and intelligent person should be sent as a scout to Acla, under
pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. Should he find
Pedrarias in quiet possession of the government, he was to ac
count to him for the delay of the expedition ; to request that the
time allotted to it might be extended, and to request reinforce
ments and supplies. Should he find, however, a new governor
actually arrived, he was to return immediately with the tidings.
In such case it was resolved to put to sea before any contrary
orders could arrive, trusting eventually to excuse themselves on
the plea of zeal and good intentions.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
235
C H A P T E R X X V I .
RECONNOITERING EXPEDITION OF GARABITO. STRATAGEM OF
PEDRARIAS TO ENTRAP VASCO NUNEZ.
T H E person intrusted with the reconnoitering expedition to Acla
was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion Vasco
Nunez had implicit confidence. His confidence was destined to
be fatally deceived. According to the assertions of contemporaries,
this Garabito cherished a secret and vindictive enmity against his
commander, arising from a simple but a natural cause. Vasco
Nunez had continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel,
daughter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her
father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concerning her
on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the course of which
he expressed himself in severe and galling language. Garabito
was deeply mortified at some of his expressions, and, being of a
malignant spirit, determined on a dastardly revenge. He wrote
privately to Pedrarias, assuring him that Vasco Nunez had no
intention of solemnizing his marriage with his daughter, being
completely under the influence of an Indian paramour ; that he
made use of the friendship of Pedrarias merely to further his
own selfish views, intending, as soon as his ships were ready, to
throw off all allegiance, and put to sea as an independent com
mander.
This mischievous letter Garabito had written immediately after
the last departure of Vasco Nunez from Acla. Its effect upon
the proud and jealous spirit of the governor may easily be con
ceived. All his former suspicions were immediately revived.
They acquired strength during a long interval that elapsed with-
236
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
out tidings being received from the expedition. There were de
signing and prejudiced persons at hand, who perceived and
quickened these jealous feelings of the governor. Among these
was the Bachelor Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against
Vasco Nunez for having once thrown him into prison for his
factious conduct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer,
whom Vasco Nunez had affronted by demanding the repayment
of a loan. Such was the tempest gradually gathering in the
factious little colony of Darien.
The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much confirmation
to the charge of perfidy advanced against him. "When he arrived
at Acla he found that Pedrarias remained in possession of the
government ; for his intended successor had died in the very har
bor. The conduct and conversation of Garabito was such as to
arouse suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters
were sent to Pedrarias. "When examined, he readily suffered
himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and
promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and de
clared still more that he suspected and surmised, of the plans
and intentions of Vasco Nunez.
The arrest of Garabito, and the seizure of his letters, pro
duced a great agitation at Darien. It was considered a revival
of the ancient animosity between the governor and Vasco Nunez,
and the friends of the latter trembled for his safety.
Hernando de Arguello, especially, was in great alarm. He
had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedition, and the
failure of it would be ruinous to him. He wrote to Vasco Nunez
informing him of the critical posture of affairs, and urging him
to put to sea without delay. He would be protected at all events,
he said, by the Jeronimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
237
that time all-powerful in the New World, and who regarded his
expedition as calculated to promote the glory of God as well as
the dominion of the king.* This letter fell into the hands of Pe
drarias, and convinced him of the existence of a dangerous plot
against his authority. He immediately ordered Arguello to be
arrested ; and now devised means to get Vasco Nuiiez within his
power. While the latter remained on the shores of the South Sea
with his brigantines and his band of hearty and devoted followers,
Pedrarias knew it would be vain to attempt to take him by force.
Dissembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote to
him in amicable terms, requesting him to repair immediately to
Acla, as he wished to confer with him about the impending expe
dition. Fearing, however, that Vasco Nunez might suspect his
motives and refuse to comply, he at the same time ordered Fran
cisco Pizarro to muster all the armed force he could collect, and
seek and arrest his late patron and commander wherever he
might be found.
So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Arguello,
and by the general violence of Pedrarias, that, though Vasco
Nunez was a favorite with the great mass of the people, no one
ventured to warn him of the danger that attended his return
to Acla.
* In consequence of the eloquent representations made to the Spanish go
vernment by the venerable Las Casas, of the cruel wrongs and oppressions
practised upon the Indians in the colonies, the Cardinal Ximenes, in 1516, sent
out three Jeronimite Friars, chosen for their zeal and abilities, clothed with full
powers to inquire into and remedy all abuses, and to take all proper measures
for the good government, religious instruction, and effectual protection of the
natives. The exercise of their powers at San Domingo made a great sensa
tion in the New World, and, for a time, had a beneficial effect in checking the
oppressive and licentious conduct of the colonists.
238
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R X X V T I .
VASCO NOTEZ AND THE ASTROLOGER. HIS RETURN TO ACLA.
T H E old Spanish writers who have treated of the fortunes of
Vasco Nunez, record an anecdote which is worthy of being cited,
as characteristic of the people and the age. Among the motley
crowd of adventurers lured across the ocean by the reputed wealth
and wonders of the New World, was an Italian astrologer, a na
tive of Venice, named Micer Codro. At the time that Vasco
Nunez held supreme sway at Darien, this reader of the stars had
cast his horoscope, and pretended to foretell his destiny. Pointing
one night to a certain star, he assured him that in the year in
which he should behold that star in a part of the heavens which
he designated, his life would be in imminent jeopardy ; but should
be survive this year of peril, he would become the richest and
most renowned captain throughout the Indies.
Several years, it is added, had elapsed since this prediction
was made ; yet, that it still dwelt in the mind of Vasco Nunez,
was evident from the following circumstance. While waiting the
return of his messenger, Garabito, he was on the shore of Isla
Rica one serene evening, in company with some of his officers,
when, regarding the heavens, he beheld the fated star exactly in
that part of the firmament which had been pointed out by the
Italian astrologer. Turning to his companions, with a smile,
"Behold," said he, "the wisdom of those who believe in sooth
sayers, and, above all, in such an astrologer as Micer Codro !
According to his prophecy, I should now be in imminent peril of
my life ; yet, here I am, within reach of all my wishes ; sound in
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
239
health, with four brigantines and three hundred men at my com
mand, and on the point of exploring this great southern ocean."
At this fated juncture, say the chroniclers, arrived the hypo
critical letter of Pedrarias, inviting him to an interview at Acla !
The discreet reader will decide for himself what credit to give to
this anecdote, or rather, what allowance to make for the little
traits of coincidence gratuitously added to the original fact by
writers who delight in the marvelous. The tenor of this letter
awakened no suspicion in the breast of Vasco Nuiiez, who re
posed entire confidence in the amity of the governor as his
intended father-in-law, and appears to have been unconscious of
any thing in his own conduct that could warrant hostility. Leav
ing his ships in command of Francisco Compafion, he departed
immediately to meet the governor at Acla, unattended by any
armed force.
The messengers who had brought the letter maintained at first
a cautious silence as to the events which had transpired at Darien.
They were gradually won, however, by the frank and genial
manners of Vasco Nuiiez, and grieved to see so gallant a soldier
hurrying into the snare. Having crossed the mountains, and
drawn near to Acla, their kind feelings got the better of their
caution, and they revealed Ijie true nature of their errand, and
the hostile intentions of Pedrarias. Vasco Nunez was struck
with astonishment at the recital ; but, being unconscious, it is
said, of any evil intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden
hostility in a man who had but recently promised him his daugh
ter in marriage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless
jealousy which his own appearance would dispel, and accordingly
continued on his journey. He had not proceeded far, however,
when he was met by a band of armed men, led by Francisco
2 4 0
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Pizarro. The latter stepped forward to arrest his ancient com
mander. Vasco Nunez paused for a moment, and regarded him
with a look of reproachful astonishment. " How is this, Fran
cisco ?" exclaimed he. " Is this the way you have been accus
tomed to receive me ?" Offering no further remonstrance, he
suffered himself quietly to be taken prisoner by his former adhe
rent, and conducted in chains to Acla. Here he was thrown into
prison, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favorite officer, was sent
to take command of his squadron.
C H A P T E R X X V I I I .
TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ.
D O N PEDRARIAS concealed his exultation at the success of the
stratagem by which he had ensnared his generous and confiding
rival. He even visited him in prison, and pretended deep con
cern at being obliged to treat him with this temporary rigor,
attributing it entirely to certain accusations lodged against him
by the Treasurer, Alonzo de la Puente, which his official situation
compelled him to notice and investigate.
" Be not afflicted, however, my son !" said the hypocrite, " an
investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your innocence,
but serve to render your zeal and loyalty towards your sovereign
still more conspicuous."
While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone towards his pris
oner, he urged the alcalde mayor, Espinosa, to proceed against
him with the utmost rigor of the law.
The charge brought against him of a treasonable conspiracy
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
241
to cast off all allegiance to the crown, and to assume an indepen
dent sway on the borders of the Southern Sea, was principally
supported by the confessions of Andres Garabito. The evidence
is also cited of a soldier, who stood sentinel one night near the
quarters of Vasco Nuiiez on Isla Rica, and who, being driven to
take shelter from the rain under the eaves of his house, overheard
a conversation between that commander and certain of his officers,
wherein they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own
account, and to set the governor at defiance. This testimony,
according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstruction on the part
of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of their conversation,
relating to their intention of sailing without waiting for orders, in
case a new governor should arrive to supersede Pedrarias.
The governor in the meantime informed himself from day to
day and hour to hour, of the progress of the trial, and, consider
ing the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant his personal hos
tility, he now paid another visit to his prisoner, and, throwing off
all affectation of kindness, upbraided him in the most passionate
manner.
" Hitherto," said he, " I have treated you as a son, because I
thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his representative ;
but as I find you have meditated rebellion against the crown of
Castile, I cast you off from my affection, and shall henceforth
treat you as an enemy."
Vasco Nunez indignantly repelled the charge, and appealed
to the confiding frankness of his conduct as a proof of his inno
cence. " Had I been conscious of my guilt," said he, " what
could have induced me to come here and put myself into your
hands ? Had I meditated rebellion, what prevented me from
carrying it into effect ? I had four ships ready to weigh anchor,
VOL. III.
Q
242
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
three hundred brave men at my command, and an open sea before
me. What had I to do but to spread sail and press forward ?
There was no doubt of finding a land, whether rich or poor, suf
ficient for me and mine, far beyond the reach of your control. In
the innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at
your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity, and
chains !"
The noble and ingenuous appeal of Vasco Nunez had no
effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor : on the contrary,
he was but the more exasperated against his prisoner, and ordered
that his irons should be doubled.
The trial was now urged by him with increased eagerness.
Lest the present accusation should not be sufficient to effect the
ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his conduct as governor,
which had remained suspended for many years, was revived, and
he was charged anew with the wrongs inflicted on the Bachelor
Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nieuesa.
Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on slowly,
with frequent delays, for the alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa,
seems to have had but little relish for the task assigned him, and
to have needed frequent spurring from the eager and passionate
governor. He probably considered the accused as technically
guilty, though innocent of all intentional rebellion, but was
ordered to decide according to the strict letter of the law. He
therefore, at length, gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez,
but recommended him to mercy, on account of his great services,
or entreated that, at least he might be permitted to appeal. " No,"
said the unrelenting Pedrarias ; " if he has merited death, let him
suffer death !" He accordingly condemned him to be beheaded.
The same sentence was passed upon several of his officers, who
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
243
were implicated in his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Her
nando de Arguello, who had written the letter to Vasco Nunez,
informing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him
to put to sea, without heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. As to
the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned and set at
liberty.
In considering this case as far as we are enabled, from the
imperfect testimony on record, we are inclined to think it one
where passion and self-interest interfered with the pure adminis
tration of justice. Pedrarias had always considered Vasco Nunez
as a dangerous rival, and, though his jealousy had been for some
time lulled by looking on him as an intended son-in-law, it was
revived by the suggestion that he intended to evade his alliance
and dispute his authority. His exasperated feelings hurried him
too far to retreat, and, having loaded his prisoner with chains
and indignities, his death became indispensable to his own secu
rity.
For our own part, we have little doubt that it was the fixed
intention of Vasco Nunez, after he had once succeeded in the
arduous undertaking of transporting his ships across the moun
tains, to suffer no capricious order from Pedrarias, nor any other
governor, to defeat the enterprise which he had so long meditated
and for which he had so laboriously prepared. It is probable he
may have expressed such general determination in the hearing
of Garabito and of others of his companions. W e can find ample
excuse for such a resolution in his consciousness of his own de
serts ; his experience of past hinderances to his expedition, arising
from the jealousy of others ; his feeling of some degree of autho
rity, from his office of Adelantado ; and his knowledge of the
favorable disposition and kind intentions of his sovereign towards
« 2
244
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
him. W e acquit him entirely of the senseless idea of rebelling
against the crown ; and suggest these considerations in palliation
of any meditated disobedience of Pedrarias, should such a charge
be supposed to have been substantiated.
C H A P T E R X X I X .
EXECUTION OP VASCO NUNEZ.
[1517.]
I T was a day of gloom and horror at Acla, when Vasco Nunez
and his companions were led forth to execution. The populace
were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of a man, whose gallant
deeds had excited their admiration, and whose generous qualities
had won their hearts. Most of them regarded him as the victim
of a jealous tyrant ; and even those who thought him guilty saw
something brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him.
Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the severe
measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared lift up his voice, either
in murmur or remonstrance.
The public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaiming :
" This is the punishment inflicted by command of the king and
his lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man, as a traitor
and an usurper of the territories of the crown."
When Vasco Nufiez heard these words, he exclaimed, indig
nantly, " It is false ! never did such a crime enter my mind. I
have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to
augment his dominions."
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
245
These words were of no avail in his extremity, but they were
fully believed by the populace.
The execution took place in the public square of Acla ; and
we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in the colony at
the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the
bloody spectacle ; which he contemplated from between the
reeds of the wall of a house, about twelve paces from the scaf
fold!*
Vasco Nuiiez was the first to suffer death. Having confessed
himself and partaken of the sacrament, he ascended the scaffold
with a firm step and a calm and manly demeanor ; and, laying
his head upon the block, it was severed in an instant from his
body. Three of his officers, Valderrabano, Botello, and Hernan
Mufios, were in like manner brought one by one to the block,
and the day had nearly expired before the last of them was exe
cuted.
One victim still remained. It was Hernando de Arguello,
who had been condemned as an accomplice, for having written
the intercepted letter.
The populace could no longer restrain their feelings. They
had not dared to intercede for Vasco Nunez, knowing the impla
cable enmity of Pedrarias ; but they now sought the governor,
and, throwing themselves at his feet, entreated that this man
might be spared, as he had taken no active part in the alleged
treason. The daylight, they said, was at an end, and it seemed
as if God had hastened the night to prevent the execution.
The stern heart of Pedrarias was not to be touched. " No,"
said he, " I would sooner die myself than spare one of them."
The unfortunate Arguello was led to the block. The brief tro-
* Oviedo, Hist. Ind., p. 2, cap. 9, M S .
246
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
pical twilight was past, and in the gathering gloom of the night
the operations on the scaffold could not be distinguished. The
multitude stood listening in breathless silence, until the stroke of
the executioner told that all was accomplished. They then dis
persed to their homes with hearts filled with grief and bitterness,
and a night of lamentation succeeded to this day of horrors.
The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the death
of his victim ; he confiscated his property and dishonored his
remains, causing his head to be placed upon a pole and exposed
for several days in the public square.*
Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime and
vigor of his days and the full career of his glory, one of the most
illustrious and deserving of Spanish discoverers ; a victim to the
basest and most perfidious envy.
How vain are our most confident hopes, our brightest tri
umphs ! When Vasco Nunez from the mountains of Darien
beheld the Southern Ocean revealed to his gaze, he considered
its unknown realms at his disposal. When he had launched his
ships upon its waters, and his sails were in a manner flapping in
the wind, to bear him in quest of the wealthy empire of Peru,
he scoffed at the prediction of the astrologer, and defied the in
fluence of the stars. Behold him interrupted at the very moment
of his departure, betrayed into the hands of his most invidious
foe, the very enterprise that was to have crowned him with glory
wrested into a crime, and himself hurried to a bloody and igno
minious grave at the foot, as it were, of the mountain whence he
had made his discovery ! His fate, like that of his renowned
predecessor, Columbus, proves that it is sometimes dangerous even
to deserve too greatly.
* Oviedo, ubi sup.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
247
FORTUNES OF VALDIVIA AND HIS COMPANIONS.
IT was in the year 1512 that Valdivia, the regidor of Darien,
was sent to Hispaniola by Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa for reinforce
ments and supplies for the colony. He set sail in a caravel, and
pursued his voyage prosperously until he arrived in sight of the
island of Jamaica. Here he was encountered by one of the
violent hurricanes which sweep those latitudes, and driven on the
shoals and sunken rocks called the Vipers, since infamous for
many a shipwreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia
and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with difficulty in
the boat, without having time to secure a supply either of water
or provisions. Having no sails, and their oars being scarcely fit
for use, they were driven about for thirteen days, at the mercy
of the currents of those unknown seas. During this time their
sufferings from hunger and thirst were indescribable. Seven of
their number perished, and the rest were nearly famished when
they were stranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, in a province
called Maya. Here they were set upon by the natives, who
broke their boat in pieces, and carried them off captive to the
cacique of the province, by whose orders they were mewed up in
a kind of pen.
At first their situation appeared tolerable enough, considering
the horrors from which they had escaped. They were closely
248
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat and drink, and
soon began to recover flesh and vigor. In a little while, however,
their enjoyment of this good cheer met with a sudden check, for
the unfortunate Valdivia, and four of his companions, were singled
out by the cacique, on account of their improved condition, to be
offered up to his idols. The natives of this coast, in fact, were
cannibals, devouring the flesh of their enemies and of such stran
gers as fell into their hands. The wretched Valdivia and his
fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody temple
of the idol, and their limbs were afterwards served up at a grand
feast held by the cacique and his subjects.
The horror of the survivors may be more readily imagined
than described. Their hearts died within them when they heard
the yells and howlings of the savages over their victims, and the
still more horrible revelry of their cannibal orgies. They turned
with loathing from the food set so abundantly before them, at
the idea that it was but intended to fatten them for a future
banquet.
Recovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair lent
them additional force. They succeeded in breaking in the night
from the kind of cage in which they were confined, and fled to
the depths of the forest. Here they wandered about forlorn,
exposed to all the dangers and miseries of the wilderness ; famish
ing with hunger, yet dreading to approach the haunts of men.
At length their sufferings drove them forth from the woods into
another part of the country, where they were again taken cap
tive. The cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to
the one from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensi
ties. He spared their lives and contented himself with making
them slaves, exacting from them the severest labor. They had
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
949
to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, and to
carry enormous burdens. The cacique died soon after their cap
ture, and was succeeded by another called Taxmar. He was a
chief of some talent and sagacity, but he continued the same
rigorous treatment of the captives. By degrees they sank be
neath the hardships of their lot, until only two were left ; one of
them a sturdy sailor named Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind
of clerical adventurer named Jeronimo de Aguilar. The sailor
had the good luck to be transferred to the service of the cacique
of the neighboring province of Chatemal, by whom he was treated
with kindness. Being a thorough son of the ocean, seasoned to
all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, he soon ac
commodated himself to his new situation, followed the cacique to
the wars, rose by his hardihood and prowess to be a distinguished
warrior, and succeeded in gaining the heart and hand of an
Indian princess.
The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a different
complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalusia, and had
been brought up to the church, and regularly ordained, and shortly
afterwards had sailed in one of the expeditions to San Domingo,
whence he had passed to Darien.
He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by his
comrade, the sailor, in his dealings with the Indians, and in one
more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of playing the hero
among the men, and the gallant among the women, he recollected
his priestly obligations to humility and chastity. Accordingly, he
made himself a model of meekness and obedience to the cacique
and his warriors, while he closed his eyes to the charms of the in
fidel women. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical
vows by a solemn promise to God to resist all temptations of the
250
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of these
Gentiles.
Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the saint,
and they appear to have been equally successful. Aguilar, by
his meek obedience to every order, however arbitrary and capri
cious, gradually won the good will of the cacique and his family.
Taxmar, however, subjected him to many trials before he admit
ted him to his entire confidence. One day when the Indians,
painted and decorated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark,
a warrior, who had for some time fixed his eyes on Aguilar, ap
proached suddenly and seized him by the arm. " Thou seest,"
said he, " the certainty of these archers ; if they aim at the eye,
they hit the eye—if at the mouth, they hit the mouth—what
wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed instead of the mark,
and they were to shoot at and miss thee ?"
Aguilar secretly trembled lest he should be the victim of some
cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, however, he
replied with great submission, " I am your slave, and you may
do with me as you please ; but you are too wise to destroy a
slave who is so useful and obedient." His answer pleased the
cacique, who had secretly sent this warrior to try his humility.
Another trial of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern and fear
ful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique had remarked
his unexampled discretion with respect to the sex, but doubted
his sincerity. After laying many petty temptations in his way,
which Jeronimo resisted with the self-denial of a saint, he at
length determined to subject him to a fiery ordeal. He accord
ingly sent him on a fishing expedition accompanied by a buxom
damsel of fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by
the sea-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day, and
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S . 251
were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an embar
rassing predicament—not apparently to the Indian beauty, but
certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He remembered, however,
his double vow, and, suspending his hammock to two trees, re
signed it to his companion ; while, Ughting a fire on the sea-shore,
he stretched himself before it on the sand. It was, as he ac
knowledged, a night of fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold
and cheerless, the hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel
damsel had been instructed to assail him with all manner of blan
dishments and reproaches. His resolution, however, though often
shaken, was never overcome ; and the morning dawned upon
him still faithful to his vow.
The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the cacique,
where his companion being closely questioned, made known the
triumph of his self-denial before all the people. From that time
forward he was held in great respect; the cacique especially
treated him with unlimited confidence, intrusting to him the care,
not merely of his house, but of his wives, during his occasional
absence.
Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater consequence
among the savages, but this he knew was only to be done by
deeds of arms. He had the example of the sturdy seaman, Gon-
zalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had become a great captain
in the province in which he resided, He entreated Taxmar,
therefore, to intrust him with bow and arrows, buckler and war-
club, and to enroll him among his warriors. The cacique com
plied. Aguilar soon made himself expert at his new weapons,
signalized himself repeatedly in battle, and, from his superior
knowledge of the arts of war, rendered Taxmar such essential
service, as to excite the jealousy of some of the neighboring
952
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
caciques. One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing
a warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that Agui
lar should be sacrificed to their gods. " N o , " replied Taxmar,
" I will not make so base a return for such signal services :
surely the gods of Aguilar must be good, since they aid him so
effectually in maintaining a just cause."
The cacique was so incensed at this reply that he assembled
his warriors and marched to make war upon Taxmar. Many of
the counselors of the latter urged him to give up the stranger
who was the cause of this hostility. Taxmar, however, rejected
their counsel with disdain and prepared for battle. Aguilar
assured him that his faith in the Christians' God would be
rewarded with victory ; he, in fact, concerted a plan of battle,
which was adopted. Concealing himself, with a chosen band of
warriors, among thickets and herbage, he suffered the enemy to
pass by in making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended
to give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in pur
suit ; whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted them in
the rear. Taxmar turned upon them in front ; they were thrown
in confusion, routed with great slaughter and many of their chiefs
taken prisoners. This victory gave Taxmar the sway over the
land, and strengthened Aguilar more than ever in his good
graces.
Several years had elapsed in this manner, when intelligence
was brought to the province of the arrival on the neighboring
coast of great vessels of wonderful construction, filled with white
and bearded men, who fought with thunder and lightning. It
was, in fact, the squadron of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova,
then on a voyage of discovery. The tidings of this strange inva
sion spread consternation through the country, heightened, if we
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
253
may credit the old Spanish writers, by a prophecy current among
the savages of these parts, and uttered in former times by a priest
named Chilam Cambal, who foretold that a white and bearded
people would come from the region of the rising sun, who would
overturn their idols and subjugate the land.
The heart of Jeronimo de Aguilar beat quick with hope when
he heard of European ships at hand ; he was distant from the
coast, however, and perceived that he was too closely watched by
the Indians to have any chance of escape. Dissembling his feel
ings, therefore, he affected to hear of the ships with perfect indif
ference, and to have no desire to join the strangers. The ships
disappeared from the coast, and he remained disconsolate at heart,
but was regarded with increased confidence by the natives.
His hopes were again revived in the course of a year or two
by the arrival on the coast of other ships, which were those
commanded by Juan de Grijalva, who coasted Yucatan in 1518 ;
Aguilar, however, was again prevented by the jealous watchful
ness of the Indians from attempting his escape, and when this
squadron left the coast he considered all chance of deliverance at
an end.
Seven years had gone by since his capture, and he had given
up all hopes of being restored to his country and friends, when,
in 1519, there arrived one day at the village three Indians,
natives of the small island of Cozumel, which lies a few leagues
in the sea, opposite the eastern coast of Yucatan. They brought
tidings of another visit of white and bearded men to their shores,
and one of them delivered a letter to Aguilar, which, being en
tirely naked, he had concealed in the long tresses of his hair
which were bound round his head.
Aguilar received the letter with wonder and delight, and read
S54
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It proved to be
from Hernando Cortez, who was at that time on his great expedi
tion, which ended in the conquest of Mexico. He had been
obliged by stress of weather to anchor at the island of Cozumel,
where he learned from the natives that several white men were
detained in captivity among the Indians on the neighboring coast
of Yucatan. Finding it impossible to approach the main-land
with his ships, he prevailed upon three of the islanders, by means
of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among their
cannibal neighbors, and to convey a letter to the captive white
men. Two of the smallest caravels of the squadron were sent
under the command of Diego de Ordas, who was ordered to land
the three messengers at the point of Cotoche, and to wait there
eight days for their return.
The letter brought by these envoys informed the Christian
captives of the force and destination of the squadron of Cortes,
and of his having sent the caravels to wait for them at the point
of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deliverance, inviting them to
hasten and join him at Cozumel.
The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was mo
derated when he reflected on the obstacles that might prevent him
from profiting by this chance of deliverance. He had made him
self too useful to the cacique to hope that he would readily give
him his liberty, and he knew the jealous and irritable nature of
the savages too well not to fear that even an application for leave
to depart might draw upon him the severest treatment. He en
deavored, therefore, to operate upon the cacique through his ap
prehensions. To this end he informed him that the piece of
paper which he held in his hand brought him a full account of
the mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He de-
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
2 5 5
scribed the number of the ships and various particulars concern
ing the squadron, all which were amply corroborated by the
testimony of the messengers. The cacique and his warriors were
astonished at this strange mode of conveying intelligence from a
distance, and regarded the letter as something mysterious and
supernatural. Aguilar went on to relate the tremendous and
superhuman powers of the people in these ships, who, armed with
thunder and lightning, wreaked destruction on all who displeased
them, while they dispensed inestimable gifts and benefits on such
as proved themselves their friends. He, at the same time, spread
before the cacique various presents brought by the messengers, as
specimens of the blessings to be expected from the friendship of
the strangers. The intimation was effectual. The cacique was
filled with awe at the recital of the terrific powers of the white
men, and his eyes were dazzled by the glittering trinkets dis
played before him. He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as
his ambassador and mediator, and to secure him the amity of the
strangers.
Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy deliver
ance. In this moment of exultation, he bethought himself of the
only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, Gonzalo Guerrero,
and, sending the letter of Cortez to him, invited him to accom
pany him in his escape. The sturdy seaman was at this time a
great chieftain in his province, and his Indian bride had borne
him a numerous progeny. His heart, however, yearned after his
native country, and he might have been tempted to leave his hon
ors and dignities, his infidel wife and half savage offspring behind
him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obstacle pre
sented itself to his wishes. Having long since given over all ex
pectation of a return to civilized life, he had conformed to the
256
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
customs of the country, and had adopted the external signs and
decorations that marked him as a warrior and a man of rank.
His face and hands were indelibly painted or tattooed ; his ears
and lips were slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and his nose
was drawn down almost to his mouth by a massy ring of gold,
and a dangling jewel.
Thus curiously garbled and disfigured, the honest seaman felt,
that, however he might be admired in Yucatan, he should be apt
to have a hooting rabble at his heels in Spain. He made up his
mind, therefore, to remain a great man among the savages, rather
than run the risk of being shown as a man monster at home.
Finding that he declined accompanying him, Jeronimo de
Aguilar set off for the point of Cotoche, escorted by three In
dians. The time he had lost in waiting for Guerrero had nearly
proved fatal to his hopes, for when he arrived at the point, the
caravels sent by Cortez had departed, though several crosses of
reeds set up in different places gave tokens of the recent presence
of Christians.
The only hope that remained was, that the squadron of Cor
tez might yet linger at the opposite island of Cozumel ; but how
was he to get there ? While wandering disconsolately along the
shore, he found a canoe, half buried in sand and water, and with
one side in a state of decay ; with the assistance of the Indians
he cleaned it, and set it afloat, and on looking further found the
stave of a hogshead which might serve for a paddle. It was a
frail embarkation in which to cross an arm of the sea, several
leagues wide, but there was no alternative. Prevailing on the
Indians to accompany him, he launched forth in the canoe and
coasted the main-land until he came to the narrowest part of the
strait, where it was but four leagues across ; here he stood directly
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
257
for Cozumel, contending, as well as he was able, with a strong
current, and at length succeeded in reaching the island.
He had scarce landed when a party of Spaniards, who had
been lying in wait, rushed forth from their concealment, sword in
hand. The three Indians would have fled, but Aguilar reassured
them, and, calling out to the Spaniards in their own language, as
sured them that he was a Christian. Then, throwing himself on
his knees, and raising his eyes streaming with tears to heaven, he
gave thanks to God for having restored him to his countrymen.
The Spaniards gazed at him with astonishment : from his lan
guage he was evidently a Castilian, but to all appearance he was
an Indian. He was perfectly naked ; wore his hair braided
round his head in the manner of the country, and his complexion
was burnt by the sun to a tawny color. He had a bow in his
hand, a quiver at his shoulder, and a net-work pouch at his side
in which he carried his provisions.
The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitering party, sent out
by Cortez to watch the approach of the canoe, which had been
descried coming from Yucatan. Cortez had given up all hopes
of being joined by the captives, the caravel having waited the
allotted time at Cotoche, and returned without news of them.
He had in fact made sail to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately
one of his ships sprung a leak, which obliged him to return to the
island.
When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his companions arrived in
presence of Cortez, who was surrounded by his officers, they made
a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, laid their bows and
arrows beside them, and touching their right hands, wet with spit
tle on the ground, rubbed them about the region of the heart,
such being their sign of the most devoted submission.
V O L . m.
R
258
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
Cortez greeted Aguilar with a hearty welcome, and raising
him from the earth, took from his own person a large yellow
mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his shoulders. The
latter, however, had for so long a time gone entirely naked, that
even this scanty covering was at first almost insupportable, and
he had become so accustomed to the diet of the natives, that he
found it difficult to reconcile his stomach to the meat and drink
set before him.
When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation of his
arrival among Christians, Cortez drew from him the particulars
of his story, and found that he was related to one of his own
friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. He treated him, there
fore, with additional kindness and respect, and retained him about
his person to aid him as an interpreter in his great Mexican ex
pedition.
The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more being
restored to his countrymen, was doomed to suffer some alloy from
the disasters that had happened in his family. Peter Martyr re
cords a touching anecdote of the effect produced upon his mother
by the tidings of his misfortune. A vague report reached her in
Spain, that her son had fallen into the hands of cannibals. All
the horrible tales concerning the treatment of these savages to
their prisoners rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted.
Whenever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she
would fill the house with her outcries. " Oh, wretched mother !
oh, most miserable of women !" would she exclaim ; " behold the
limbs of my murdered son !"*
It is to be hoped that the tidings of his deliverance had a
favorable effect upon her intellects, and that she lived to rejoice
* P. Martyr, decad. iv. cap 6.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS. 259
at his after fortunes. He served Hernando Cortez with great
courage and ability throughout his Mexican conquests, acting
sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as interpreter and ambassador
to the Indians, and in reward of his fidelity, and services, was
appointed regidor, or civil governor of the city of Mexico.
a 2
260
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
MICER CODRO, THE ASTROLOGER.
T H E fate of the Italian astrologer, Micer Codro, who predicted
the end of Vasco Nunez, is related by the historian Oviedo, with
some particulars that border upon the marvelous. It appears
that, after the death of his patron, he continued for several years
rambling about the New World, in the train of the Spanish dis
coverers ; but intent upon studying the secrets of its natural his
tory, rather than searching after its treasures.
In the course of his wanderings he was once coasting the
shores of the Southern Ocean, in a ship commanded by one Ge-
ronimo de Valenzuela, from whom he received such cruel treat
ment as to cause his death, though, what the nature of the treat
ment was, we are not precisely informed.
Finding his end approaching, the unfortunate astrologer
addressed Valenzuela in the most solemn manner : " Captain,"
said he, " you have caused my death by your cruelty ; I now
summon you to appear with me, within a year, before the Judg
ment Seat of God !"
The captain made a light and scoffing answer, and treated his
summons with contempt.
They were then off the coast of Veragua, near the verdant
islands of Zebaco, which lie at the entrance of the Gulf of Parita
or Paria. The poor astrologer gazed wistfully with his dying
eyes upon the green and shady groves, and entreated the pilot or
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
261
mate of the caravel to land him on one of the islands, that he
might die in peace. " Micer Codro," replied the pilot, " those
are not islands, but points of land : there are no islands here
about."
" There are, indeed," replied the astrologer, " two good and
pleasant islands, well watered, and near to the coast, and within
them is a great bay with a harbor. Land me, I pray you, upon
one of these islands, that I may have comfort in my dying
hour."
The pilot, whose rough nature had been touched with pity for
the condition of the unfortunate astrologer, listened to his prayer,
and conveyed him to the shore, where he found the opinion he
had given of the character of the coast to be correct. He laid
him on the herbage in the shade, where the poor wanderer soon
expired. The pilot then dug a grave at the foot of a tree, where
he buried him with all possible decency, and carved a cross on
the bark to mark the grave.
Some time afterwards, Oviedo, the historian, was on the island
with this very pilot, who showed him the cross on the tree, and
gave his honest testimony to the good character and worthy con
duct of Micer Codro. Oviedo, as he regarded the nameless
grave, passed the eulogium of a scholar upon the poor astrologer :
" He died," says he, " like Pliny, in the discharge of his duties,
traveling about the world to explore the secrets of nature." A c
cording to his account, the prediction of Micer Codro held good
with respect to Valenzuela, as it had in the case of Vasco
Nunez.—The captain died within the term in which he had sum
moned him to appear before the tribunal of God !*
* Vide. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., lib. xxxix. cap. 2.
262
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
JUAN PONCE DE LEON,
CONQUEROR OF PORTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OF FLORDDA.
C H A P T E R I.
R E C O N N O I T E R I N G E X P E D I T I O N O F J U A N P O N C E D E L E O N T O
T H E I S L A N D O P B O R I Q U E N .
[1508.]
M A N Y years had elapsed since the discovery and colonization of
Hayti, yet its neighboring island of Boriquen, or as the Spaniards
called it, St. Juan (since named Porto Rico), remained unex
plored. It was beautiful to the eye as beheld from the sea, hav
ing lofty mountains clothed with forest trees of prodigious size
and magnificent foliage. There were broad fertile valleys also,
always fresh and green ; for the frequent showers and abundant
streams in these latitudes, and the absence of all wintry frosts,
produce a perpetual verdure. Various ships had occasionally
touched at the island, but their crews had never penetrated into
the interior. It was evident, however, from the number of ham
lets and scattered houses, and the smoke rising in all directions
from among the trees, that it was well peopled. The inhabitants
still continued to enjoy their life of indolence and freedom, unmo
lested by the ills that overwhelmed the neighboring island of
Hayti. The time had arrived, however, when they were to share
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
263
the common lot of their fellow savages, and to sink beneath the
yoke of the white man.
At the time when Nicholas de Ovando, governor of Hispani
ola, undertook to lay waste the great province of Higuey, which
lay at the eastern end of Hayti, he sent as commander of part of
the troops a veteran soldier, named Juan Ponce de Leon. He
was a native of Leon in Spain, and in his boyhood had been page
to Pedro Nunez de Guzman, Senor of Toral.* From an early
age he had been schooled to war, and had served in various cam
paigns against the Moors of Granada. He accompanied Columbus
in his second voyage in 1493, and was afterwards, it is said, one
of the partisans of Francisco Roldan, in his rebellion against the
admiral. Having distinguished himself in various battles with
the Indians, and acquired a name for sagacity as well as valor,
he received a command subordinate to Juan de Esquibel in the
campaign against Higuey, and seconded his chief so valiantly in
that sanguinary expedition, that, after the subjugation of the pro
vince, he was appointed to the command of it, as lieutenant of
the governor of Hispaniola. -
Juan Ponce de Leon had all the impatience of quiet life and
the passion for exploit of a veteran campaigner. He had not
been long in the tranquil command of his province of Higuey,
before he began to cast a wistful eye towards the green mountains
of Boriquen. They were directly opposite, and but twelve or
fourteen leagues distant, so as to be distinctly seen in the transpa
rent atmosphere of the tropics. The Indians of the two islands
frequently visited each other, and in this way Juan Ponce
received the usual intelligence, that the mountains he had eyed so
* Incas, Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Florida, torn. iv. cap. 37.
264
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
wistfully abounded with gold. He readily obtained permission
from Governor Ovando, to make an expedition to this island, and
embarked in the year 1508 in a caravel, with a few Spaniards
and several Indian interpreters and guides.
After an easy voyage, he landed on the woody shores of the
island, near to the residence of the principal cacique, Agueybanà.
He found the chieftain seated in patriarchal style, under the
shade of his native groves, and surrounded by his family, con
sisting of his mother, step-father, brother, and sister, who vied
with each other in paying homage to the strangers. Juan Ponce,
in fact, was received into the bosom of the family, and the cacique
exchanged names with him, which is the Indian pledge of per
petual amity. Juan Ponce also gave Christian names to the
mother and step-father of the cacique, and would fain have bap
tized them, but they declined the ceremony, though they always
took a pride in the names thus given them.
In the zeal to gratify his guests, the cacique took them to
various parts of the island. They found the interior to corres
pond with the external appearance. It was wild and mountain
ous, but magnificently wooded, with deep rich valleys fertilized
by limpid streams. Juan Ponce requested the cacique to reveal
to him the riches of the island. The simple Indian showed him
his most productive fields of Yuca, groves laden with delicious
fruit, the sweetest and purest fountains, and the coolest runs of
water.
Ponce de Leon heeded but little these real blessings, and de
manded whether the island produced no gold. Upon this the
cacique conducted him to two rivers, the Manatuabon and the
Zebuco, where the very pebbles seemed richly veined with gold,
and large grains shone among the sand through the limpid water.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
265
Some of the largest of these were gathered by the Indians and
given to the Spaniards. The quantity thus procured confirmed
the hopes of Juan Ponce ; and leaving several of his companions
in the house of the hospitable cacique, he returned to Hayti to
report the success of his expedition. He presented the speci
mens of gold to the Governor Ovando, who assayed them in a
crucible. The ore was not so fine as that of Hispaniola, but, as
it was supposed to exist in greater quantities, the governor deter
mined on the subjugation of the island, and confided the enter
prise to Juan Ponce de Leon.
C H A P T E R II.
J U A N P O N C E A S P I R E S T O T H E G O V E R N M E N T O F P O R T O R I C O .
[ 1 5 0 9 ]
T H E natives of Boriquen were more warlike than those of His
paniola ; being accustomed to the use of arms from the necessity
of repelling the frequent invasions of the Caribs. It was sup
posed, therefore, that the conquest of their island would be
attended with some difficulty, and Juan Ponce de Leon made
another, and as it were, a preparatory visit, to make himself
acquainted with the country, and with the nature and resources
of the inhabitants. He found the companions whom he had left
there on his former visit, in good health and spirits, and full of
gratitude towards the cacique Agueybanà, who had treated them
with undiminished hospitality. There appeared to be no need
of violence to win the island from such simple-hearted and con
fiding people. Juan Ponce flattered himself with the hopes of
266
V O Y A G E S A N D D I S C O V E R I E S OF
being appointed to its government by Ovando, and of bringing
it peaceably into subjection. After remaining some time on the
island, he returned to San Domingo to seek the desired appoint
ment, but to his surprise, found the whole face of affairs had
changed during his absence. P
His patron, the governor Ovando, had been recalled to Spain,
and Don Diego Columbus, son of the renowned discoverer, ap
pointed in his place to the command of San Domingo. To add
to the perplexities of Juan Ponce, a cavalier had already arrived
from Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement and
build a fortress on the island of Porto Eico. His name was
Christoval de Sotomayor ; he was brother to the Count of Ca-
mina, and had been secretary to Philip I, surnamed the Hand
some, king of Castile and father of Charles V.
Don Diego Columbus was highly displeased with the act of
the king in granting these powers to Sotomayor, as it had been
done without his knowledge and consent, and of course in disre
gard of his prerogative, as viceroy, to be consulted as to all
appointments made within his jurisdiction. He refused, therefore,
to put Sotomayor in possession of the island. He paid as little
respect to the claims of Juan Ponce de Leon, whom he regarded
with an ungracious eye as a favorite of his predecessor Ovando.
To settle the matter effectually, he exerted what he considered
his official and hereditary privilege, and chose officers to suit
himself, appointing one Juan Ceron to the government of Porto
Rico, and Miguel Diaz to serve as his lieutenant.*
* If the reader has perused the history of Columbus, he may remember the
romantic adventure of this Miguel Diaz with a female cacique, which led to
the discovery of the gold mines of Hayna, and the founding of the city of San
Domingo.
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF C O L U M B U S .
267
Juan Ponce de Leon and his rival candidate Christoval de
Sotomayor, bore their disappointment with a good grace. Though
the command was denied them, they still hoped to improve their
fortunes in the island, and accordingly joined the crowd of ad
venturers that accompanied the newly appointed governor.
New changes soon took place in consequence of the jealousies
and misunderstandings between king Ferdinand and the admiral
as to points of privilege. The former still seemed disposed to
maintain the right of making appointments without consulting
Don Diego, and exerted it in the present instance ; for, when
Ovando, on his return to Spain, made favorable representation of
the merits of Juan Ponce de Leon, and set forth his services in
exploring Porto Rico, the king appointed him governor of that
island, and signified specifically that Don Diego Columbus should
not presume to displace him.
C H A P T E R I I I .
J U A N P O N C E R U L E S W I T H A S T R O N G H A N D . E X A S P E R A T I O N
O F T H E I N D I A N S . T H E I R E X P E R I M E N T T O P R O V E W H E T H E R
T H E S P A N I A R D S W E R E M O R T A L .
J U A N P O N C E D E L E O N assumed the command of the island of
Boriquen in the year 1509. Being a fiery high-handed old
soldier, his first step was to quarrel with Juan Ceron and Miguel
Diaz, the ex-governor and his lieutenant, and to send them priso
ners to Spain.*
He was far more favorable to his late competitor, Christoval
* Herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 13.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
de Sotomayor. Finding him to be a cavalier of noble blood and
high connections, yet void of pretension, and of most accommo
dating temper, he offered to make him his lieutenant, and to give
him the post of alcalde mayor, an offer which was very thank
fully accepted.
The pride of rank, however, which follows a man even into
the wilderness, soon interfered with the quiet of Sotomayor ; he
was ridiculed for descending so much below his birth and dignity,
as to accept a subaltern situation to a simple gentleman in the
island which he had originally aspired to govern. He could not
withstand these sneers, but resigned his appointment, and re
mained in the island as a private individual ; establishing him
self in a village where he had a large repartimiento or allotment
of Indians assigned to him by a grant from the king.
Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government in a town called
Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island,
about a league from the sea, in a neighborhood supposed to abound
in gold. It was in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently
gave its name to the island. The road to the town was up a moun
tain, through a dense forest, and so rugged and miry that it was
the bane of man and beast. It cost more to convey provisions and
merchandise up this league of mountain, than it did to bring them
from Spain.
Juan Ponce, being firmly seated in his government, began to
carve and portion out the island, to found towns, and to distri
bute the natives into repartimientos, for the purpose of exacting
their labor.
The poor Indians soon foun(J the difference between the
Spaniards as guests, and the Spaniards as masters. They were
driven to despair by the heavy tasks imposed upon them ; for to
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
269
their free spirits and indolent habits, restraint and labor were
worse than death. Many of the most hardy and daring proposed
a general insurrection, and a massacre of their oppressors ; the
great mass, however, were deterred by the belief that the Span
iards were supernatural beings and could not be killed.
A shrewd and skeptical cacique, named Brayoan, determined
to put their immortality to the test. Hearing that a young Span
iard, named Salzedo, was passing through his lands, he sent a
party of his subjects to escort him, giving them secret instructions
how they were to act. On coming to a river they took Salzedo
on their shoulders to carry him across, but, when in the midst
of the stream, they let him fall, and, throwing themselves upon
him, pressed him under water until he was drowned. Then
dragging his body to the shore, and still doubting his being dead,
they wept and howled over him, making a thousand apologies
for having fallen upon him, and kept him so long beneath the
surface.
The cacique Brayoan came to examine the body and pro
nounced it lifeless ; but the Indians, still fearing it might possess
lurking immortality and ultimately revive, kept watch over it for
three days, until it showed incontestable signs of putrefaction.
Being now convinced that the strangers were mortal men like
themselves, they readily entered into a general conspiracy to
destroy them.*
* Herrera, decad. i. lib. viii. cap. 13.
270
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R IV.
C O N S P I R A C Y O F T H E C A C I Q U E S . F A T E O F S O T O M A Y O R .
T H E prime mover of the conspiracy among the natives was
Agueybanà, brother and successor to the hospitable cacique of
the same name, who had first welcomed the Spaniards to the
island, and who had fortunately closed his eyes in peace, before
his native groves were made the scenes of violence and oppres
sion. The present cacique had fallen within the repartimiento
of Don Christoval de Sotomayor, and, though treated by that
cavalier with kindness, could never reconcile his proud spirit to
the yoke of vassalage.
Agueybanà held secret councils with his confederate caciques,
in which they concerted a plan of operations. As the Spaniards
were scattered about in different places, it was agreed that, at a
certain time, each cacique should dispatch those within his prov
ince. In arranging the massacre of those within his own domains,
Agueybanà assigned to one of his inferior caciques the task of
surprising the village of Sotomayor, giving him 3000 warriors
for the purpose. He was to assail the village in the dead of the
night, to set fire to the houses, and to slaughter all the inhabit
ants. He proudly, however, reserved to himself the honor of
killing Don Christoval with his own hand.
Don Christoval had an unsuspected friend in the very midst
of his enemies. Being a cavalier of gallant appearance and
amiable and courteous manners, he had won the affections of an In
dian princess, the sister of the cacique Agueybanà. She had over
heard enough of the war-council of her brother and his warriors
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
271
to learn that Sotomayor was in danger. The life of her lover
was more precious in her eyes than the safety of her brother and
her tribe ; hastening, therefore, to him, she told him all that she
knew or feared, and warned him to be upon his guard. Soto
mayor appears to have been of the most easy and incautious
nature, void of all evil and deceit himself, and slow to suspect any
thing of the kind in others. He considered the apprehension of
the princess, as dictated by her fond anxiety, and neglected to
profit by her warning.
He received, however, about the same time, information from
a different quarter, tending to the same point. A Spaniard,
versed in the language and customs of the natives, had observed
a number gathering together one evening, painted and decorated,
as if for battle. Suspecting some lurking mischief, he stripped
and painted himself in their manner, and, favored by the obscu
rity of the night, succeeded in mingling among them undiscovered.
They were assembled round a fire performing one of their mystic
war-dances, to the chant of an areyto or legendary ballad. The
strophes and responses treated of revenge and slaughter, and re
peatedly mentioned the death of Sotomayor.
The Spaniard withdrew unperceived, and hastened to apprise
Don Christoval of his danger. The latter still made light of
these repeated warnings ; revolving them, however, in his mind
in the stillness of the night, he began to feel some uneasiness, and
determined to repair in the morning to Juan Ponce de Leon, in his
strong-hold at Caparra. With his fated heedlessness, or temerity,
however, he applied to Agueybanà for Indians to carry his bag
gage, and departed slightly armed, and accompanied by but three
Spaniards, although he had to pass through close and lonely forests,
where he would be at the mercy of any treacherous or lurking foe.
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V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
The cacique watched the departure of his intended victim,
and set out shortly afterwards, dogging his steps at a distance
through the forest, accompanied by a few chosen warriors.
Agueybanà and his party had not proceeded far when they met
a Spaniard named Juan Gonzalez, who spoke the Indian lan
guage. They immediately assailed him and wounded him in
several places. He threw himself at the feet of the cacique, im
ploring his life in the most abject terms. The chief spared him
for the moment, being eager to make sure of Don Christoval.
He overtook that incautious cavalier in the very heart of the
woodland, and stealing silently upon him burst forth suddenly
with his warriors from the covert of the thickets, giving the fatal
war-whoop. Before Sotomayor could put himself upon his
guard a blow from the war-club of the cacique felled him to the
earth, when he was quickly dispatched by repeated blows. The
four Spaniards who accompanied him shared his fate, being as
sailed, not merely by the warriors who had come in pursuit of
them, but by their own Indian guides.
When Agueybanà had glutted his vengeance on this unfortu
nate cavalier, he returned in quest of Juan Gonzalez. The lat
ter, however, had recovered sufficiently from his wounds to leave
the place where he had been assailed, and, dreading the return
of the savages, had climbed into a tree and concealed himself
among the branches. From thence, with trembling anxiety, he
watched his pursuers as they searched all the surrounding forest
for him. Fortunately they did not think of looking up into the
trees, but, after beating the bushes for some time, gave up the
search. Though he saw them depart, he did not venture from his
concealment until the night had closed ; he then descended from
the tree, and made the best of his way to the residence of certain
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
273
Spaniards, where his wounds were dressed. When this was
done, he waited not to take repose, but repaired by a circuitous
route to Caparra, and informed Juan Ponce de Leon of the dan
ger he supposed to be still impending over Sotomayor, for he
knew not that the enemy had accomplished his death. Juan
Ponce immediately sent out forty men to his relief. They came
to the scene of massacre, where they found the body of the un
fortunate cavalier, partly buried, but with the feet out of the
earth.
In the meantime the savages had accomplished the destruction
of the village of Sotomayor. They approached it unperceived,
through the surrounding forest, and entering it in the dead of the
night, set fire to the straw-thatched houses, and attacked the
Spaniards as they endeavored to escape from the flames.
Several were slain at the onset, but a brave Spaniard, named
Diego de Salazar, rallied his countrymen, inspirited them to beat
off the enemy, and succeeded in conducting the greater part of
them, though sorely mangled and harassed, to the strong-hold of
the governor at Caparra. Scarcely had these fugitives gained
the fortress, when others came hurrying in from all quarters,
bringing similar tales of conflagration and massacre. For once
a general insurrection, so often planned in savage life, against the
domination of the white men, was crowned with success. All
the villages founded by the Spaniards had been surprised, about
a hundred of their inhabitants destroyed, and the survivors driven
to take refuge in a beleaguered fortress.
V O M I T .
s
274
V O Y A G E S A N D DISCOVERIES OF
C H A P T E R V.
W A R OF JUAN PONCE W I T H THE CACIQUE AGUEYBANA.
JUAN PONCE DE L E O N might now almost be considered a go
vernor without territories and a general without soldiers. His
villages were smoking ruins, and his whole force did not amount
to a hundred men, several of whom were disabled by their
wounds. He had an able and implacable foe in Agueybanà, who
took the lead of all the other caciques, and even sent envoys to
the Caribs of the neighboring islands, entreating them to forget
all ancient animosities and to make common cause against these
strangers—the deadly enemies of the whole Indian race. In the
meantime the whole of this wild island was in rebellion, and the
forests around the fortress of Caparra rang with the whoops and
yells of the savages, the blasts of their war conchs, and the stormy
roaring of their drums.
Juan Ponce was a stanch and wary old soldier, and not easily
daunted. He remained grimly ensconced within his fortress,
whence he dispatched messengers in all haste to Hispaniola, im
ploring immediate assistance. In the meantime, he tasked his
wits to divert the enemy and keep them at bay. He divided his
little force into three bodies of about thirty men each, under the
command of Diego Salazar, Miguel de Toro, and Luis de Anasco,
and sent them out alternately to make surprises and assaults, to
form ambuscades, and to practise the other stratagems of partisan
warfare, which he had learnt in early life, in his campaigns against
the Moors of Granada.
One of his most efficient warriors was a dog named Berezillo,
T H E C O M P A N I O N S OF COLUMBUS.
275
renowned for courage, strength, and sagacity. It is said that he
could distinguish those of the Indians who were allies, from those
who were enemies of the Spaniards. To the former he was
docile and friendly, to the latter fierce and implacable. He was
the terror of the natives, who were unaccustomed to powerful and
ferocious animals, and did more service in this wild warfare, than
could have been rendered by several soldiers. His prowess was
so highly appreciated that his master received for him the pay,
allowance, and share of booty, assigned to a cross-bow man, which
was the highest stipend given.*
At length the stout old cavalier Juan Ponce was reinforced in
his strong-hold, by troops from Hispaniola, whereupon he sallied
forth boldly to take revenge upon those who had thus held him
in a kind of durance. His foe Agueybanà was at that time en
camped in his own territories with more than five thousand war
riors, but in a negligent unwatchful state,